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FORT FRICK" 



OR THE 

SIEGE OF HOMESTEAD 

(ILLUSTRATED) 

A HISTORY 

OF THE FAMOUS STRUGGLE BETWEEN 

THE AMALGAMATED ASSOCIATION 

OF IRON AND STEEL WORKERS 

AND THE 

CARNEGIE STEEL COMPANY (LIMITED) 

OF PITTSBURG, PA. 



0? CONO^ 
MYRON R. STOWELL. V 






Pittsburg, Pa. 

Pittsburg Printing Co., 85, 87 and 89 Third Avenue, 

1893. 






Copyright, 1S93, 
By Francis P. McCluskey. 






PREFACE. 



No apology will be made for the appearance of 
this book other than that we have felt for some 
time that there was a desire on the part of many to 
have in detail the story of the most exciting climax 
in the history of Labor versus Capital. 

It is but fitting that an event in the history of 
our institutions which commanded the attention of 
every nation of the world and the outcome of which 
was watched with such eager interest, not only by 
the participants, but by the rich and poor, high 
and low, the press, the lawmakers and even the 
powers of every continent, should be perpetuated 
by such a publication as this. 

During the entire period the author was an eye 
witness of the many events of that memorable 
period which, together with the assistance of par- 
ticipants, attorneys and of official reports of military 
and other officers ; with access to court records and 
all the leading newspaper files, has enabled him to 
produce a book that for deep interest, conciseness, 
correctness of chronology, excitement and faithful- 
ness to details has seldom been equaled. 

A feeling of sadness must necessarily come over 
all who carefully consider a crisis, the results of 
which were so disastrous, financially, to all con- 



cerned, and which caused so much suffering and 
privation. 

It is to be hoped that our country, our Common- 
wealth, will never be obliged, again to witness, 
while our citizens and institutions learn a lesson, 
the value of which is so difficult to determine. 

With a feeling of deep interest in a subject com- 
manding universal consideration, we dedicate this 
volume to a never-ending peace and harmony 
between Capital and Labor. 

Publishers. 



ILLUSTRATIONS. 



PAGE. 

General View of Homestead Mills, I 

Battle on the River Bank, 44 

Running the Gauntlet, 62 

The Burning Barges, 70 

Arrival of the Troops, 78 

A Flag of Truce, 118 

Soldier Boys in Camp, 134 

Artillerymen on the Braddock Side, 146 

lams Refuses to Apologize, 220 

Court Room, — Waiting for the Verdict, 290 

Military Map, 302 

P 0?' traits — 

1 

Hugh O'Donnell, 17 

Thomas J. Crawford, 35 

W. J. Brennen, Attorney, 53 

W. W. Erwin, Attorney, . . '. 87 

" Jack" Clifford, . . . 105 

Sylvester Critchlow 139 

Thomas Marshall, Attorney, 157 

H. C. Frick, 175 

Maj. E. A. Montooth, Attorney, 193 

Hugh Ross, 211 

W. S. Anderson, Attorney, 229 

Hugh F. Dempsey, 247 

L. K. Porter, Attorney, 265 

William Reardon, Attorney, 283 



TABLE OF CONTENTS. 



PAGE^ 

Introductory 1 1 

CHAPTER I. 

Carnegie Steel Company, Limited — Amalgamated Association 
of Iron and Steel Workers — Conferences in regard to Scale 
for 1892 19 

CHAPTER II. 

Fortification of "Fort Frick " by the Carnegie Company — H. 

C. Frick asks the County for Protection. 28 

CHAPTER III. 
On the Alert— Little Bill and the Barges— A Volley of Hot 

Shots— The First to Fall 37 

CHAPTER IV. 

Three Instantly Killed — The Striker's Eloquent Plea — Slugs 

and Grapeshot — Pleading for their Lives 45 

CHAPTER V. 

Sufferings of the Wounded — The Stars and Stripes — Running 

the Gauntlet — Pleading for Mercy 58 

CHAPTER VI. 
Planning for Relief — A Graphic Story — Stripping the Guards — 

Firing the Boats 67 

CHAPTER VII. 
Sad Results of Strife — The Wounded Pinkertons — Anarchists 

at Work — Position of the Workmen — In a Prison Cell. ... 73 

CHAPTER VIII. 
Consequences of Force — A Lonely Home — Silas Waine Buried 

— A Prayer for the Enemies' Wives 81 

CHAPTER IX. 

Sheriff McCleary's Action — A Message to the Governor — A 

Fire Brand — Sensational Sermons — At the Graves 90 

CHAPTER X. 

The Dreadful Alarm — Shipping the Pinkertons — A Night of 

Terror — Available Militiamen — Coroner McDowell 98 



CHAPTER XI. PAGE 

Soldier's Opinion — Strong Appeal from Frick — The Governor's 

Attitude — Moral Influence — Treacherous Detectives 103 

CHAPTER XII. 
Soldiers Ordered Out — Movements of the Troops — Opinions 

of Leaders — Sunday at Homestead 112 

CHAPTER XIII. 
Arrival of the National Guard of Pennsylvania — Troops vs. 

Pinkertons — Hungarians' Departure — Closing the Saloons. 122 

CHAPTER XIV. 

Headquarters — The Address of Welcome — Chilly Reception — 

A Death Knell — Shattered Hopes — Beginning the Inquest. 129 

CHAPTER XV. 

Handling Non-Unionists — Undercurrent Feeling — Scouring the 

Country — Martial Law — Usurpation of Authority 137 

CHAPTER XVI. 

That Congressional Inquiry — Steering Clear of Causes — A 

Lower Tariff — Home Competition — Millions in Profits.. 147 

CHAPTER XVII. 
Captain Rodgers Testifies — Story of the Fatal Fight — President 
Weihe's Words for the Workers — Hugh O'Donnell Exam- 
ined — Ex-President Roberts' Reasons — Action of the Senate 155 

CHAPTER XVIII. 

General Snowden's Chapter — Well Trained Intellect — Two 

Great Generals — That Map — "Cephalic Elephantiasis". . . 168 

CHAPTER XIX, 
Courting Arrest — Public Opinion — Demonstrations of Other 
Workers — Another Strike — Boyant Hopes — The Boycott 
as a Weapon — Good Bye, Pinkerton System 177 

CHAPTER XX. 

Moments of Suspense — Furnaces Fired — An Ultimatum — In- 
ducements to Strikers — Preparing for a Siege — Importing 
European Labor — To Arrest the Leaders 1 84 

CHAPTER XXI. 

Burgess McLuckie Surrenders — Arranging for New Arrests — 
The Law on Riot — Secretary Lovejoy's Serenity — Million- 
aires and Tramps — The Battle of Life 192 

CHAPTER XXII. 
Staunch and True — detectives Again — Blood Suckers — Smoke 

and Steam — Amalgamated at Duquesne 201 



IO 

CH/VPTER XXIII. DAr , P 

PAGE. 

Attempted Assassination of H. C. Frick — An Anarchist of the 

Worst Type — Prepared for Suicide — The Victim Recovers. 209 

CHAPTER XXIV. 
lams' Fatal Exclamation — Suspended by the Thumbs — Com- 
plete Degradation — Explaining the Sentence 218 

CHAPTER XXV. 

Mrs O'Donnell Visits her Husband — Pinkertons in Jail — More 

of Secretary Lovejoy's Statements — Eviction Notices 227 

CHAPTER XXVI. 
Riot Among Non-Union Men — Indignant Workmen — 'Arbitra- 
tion Refused— Thirty-third Street Mill Started Up— The 
Strike at Duquesne — Refusing Carnegie Steel 235 

CHAPTER XXVII. 

Visiting the Mills — More Arrests— A Striker Shot — Distributing 

Funds — Legal Services from Abroad — A Soldier Killed. . . 240 

CHAPTER XXVIII. 
The End Far Away — Alarming Mortality — Hugh Ross Surren- 
ders — Wholesale Indictments — Berkman's Trial — Guilty 
Sentenced — Three Months of the Strike — List of Killed . . 246 

CHAPTER XXIX. 

An Eventful Month— Treason and its Meaning — General Snow- 

den's Claim to Notoriety — Political Significance 256 

CHAPTER XXX. 
Chief Justice Paxson' Charge — Treason Defined — The Law as 

Written — Duty of the Jurors 263 

CHAPTER XXXI. 
The Influence of the Charge on the Trial— The Knights of 
Labor — Thousands Unemployed — Arraignment of Militia ' 
Officers — Private lams' Story — An Anonymous Attack. . . . 274 

CHAPTER XXXII. 

An Eventful and a Fatal Month — Killing of Coyne — Strike 
Declared Off — " We Surrender " — Senatorial Investigation 
— Trial of Critchlow — A Silvery-Tongued Orator 282 

CHAPTER XXXIII. 
The Alleged Poisoning Cases — A Pinkerton Detective Plays an 
Important Part in the Prosecution — Found Guilty by a 
State's Jury 292 

APPENDIX. 

Speech of W. W. Irwin 305 

The Militia 315 



INTRODUCTORY. 



While there have been many important dif- 
ferences between labor and capital during the 
past decade, particularly in America, none have 
equalled in significance that between the Car- 
negie Steel Company, Limited and the Amalga- 
mated Association of Iron and Steel Workers, 
which culminated in the historic fight on the 
banks of the Monongahela River, July 6, 1892. 
The Homestead troubles are almost as familiar 
to the people of America, especially the laboring 
classes, as the battle of Bull Run is to the vet- 
eran of the Civil War, but no accurate history 
of the many chapters in the great tragedy has 
ever been written, nor has the reading public 
ever had an opportunity of knowing what effects 
the event has had upon the country at large and 
organized labor individually. 

The fight made upon the i\malgamated Asso- 
ciation of Iron and Steel Workers by the Carnegie 
concern was well planned, and in many details 
admirably executed. But the result, while pri- 
marily the achievement of all the calculations of 
the corporation, assumed ultimately a political 
effect that a year before would have been thought 
impossible. The Homestead conflict produced 
much privation, poverty and almost starvation. 



12 

This awakened the sympathies of every friend to 
organized labor, not only in the United States, 
but all over the world. Money was sent pouring 
into the treasury of the relief funds from every 
state, city and hamlet in the Union, while Eng- 
land, Scotland, Ireland, France, Belgium, Ger- 
many and Austria gave liberal contributions. 
The political issue, already quite clearly defined 
plainly showed itself in November. During the 
two years preceding the final conferences between 
Chairman H. C. Frick of the Carnegie Company 
and representatives of the Amalgamated Associa- 
tion, it became apparent to the latter that they 
were not reaping from the benefits of the long- 
established political policy of the party in power 
a share equal to that which the capitalist enjoyed. 
When subscriptions to the relief of the suffering 
families in Homestead were opened in the in- 
dustrial centers of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Wis- 
consin, Iowa and Minnesota, particularly in Ohio 
and Illinois, there was a spontaneous and lib- 
eral response. Contributions of a dollar a man 
from thousands of labor unions became popu- 
lar, and on a certain day set for the purpose 
in the city of Chicago, almost twenty thous- 
and artisans made personal contributions. About 
this time a well-known politician of the World's 
Fair city made the prediction that there would 
be a change in the popular vote, correspond- 
ing to these figures, and his prediction was al- 
most literally fulfilled. The city of Chicago 



i3 

alone which in 1888 gave Harrison a most 
handsome majority, veered around in 1892 
strongly to his political opponent. A careful 
analysis of the vote cast in the city of Chi- 
cago, which is the greatest of our many in- 
dustrial centers, showed that the members of 
labor organizations voted as they had contrib- 
uted. This was true in Ohio, the result being 
particularly noticeable in that cluster of man- 
ufacturing towns lying between Pittsburg and 
Cleveland. The assertion is not made that the 
Homestead struggle was of itself responsible for 
the result of the election of November, 1892, 
but a close investigation shows that it changed 
thousands on thousands of votes in states where 
flie fortifications of the Republican party had 
been impregnable. The artisans who forsook 
the party of protection did not argue that 
protection failed to protect, since the prosper- 
ity of the capitalists in protected industries 
was too certain, but failing to receive what 
they considered their just share of the bene- 
fits, they signified their desire to change from 
the powers that were, firm in the conviction 
that their condition could not be made worse. 
The conflict, the murder trials grow- 
ing out of the fight, the famous poisoning 
trials, and the thousands of incidents growing 
out of the affair served to more thoroughly 
unify the interests and purposes of organized 
labor in the United States than anything of a 



?4 

similar nature could have done. The lockout 
occurred in the heart of the greatest iron and 
steel manufacturing district in the world. The 
fight was made against the most perfectly organ- 
ized labor body in America, by one of the 
richest corporations in the world, and the rich- 
est in the iron and steel industry. The fight 
of July 6- occurred on the premises of the 
most thoroughly equipped steel mill, and largest 
plant in the world. The trials arising from 
the fight and its varied features raised legal 
questions that will be used as precedents for 
decades to come, particularly Chief Justice Pax- 
son's definition of treason. The case of young 
lams, and the rigid discipline meted out to 
him for his extreme folly, created a profound 
stir in military circles far and wide, proving an 
incident of more than passing importance in 
the history of Homestead. 

The value of an accurate history of the 
most famous fight ever waged between capital 
and labor, and the individual importance of 
every incident chronicled in these chapters jus- 
tifies the author in a measure for attempting 
to present this story to the public. Like all 
histories, different eyes have seen the various 
details in different lights, and in questions of 
fact there have arisen material discrepancies. 
However, the writer has endeavored as far as 
possible to give the truth to the reader, trust- 
ing to indulgence for any possible mistakes 



i5 

that may have crept into the work. It has 
been the intention to treat everyone fairly and 
without favor, but the diversity among the 
newspaper and other authorities make some er- 
rors of record almost a necessity. 





HUGH O'DONNELL. 



CHAPTER I. 



Carnegie Steel Company (Limited) — Capital — Location of their 
many interests — Description of Homestead mills — Railroad 
facilities — Estimate of materials and output — Review and classi- 
fication of manufactures — Value of Homestead plant — Amal- 
gamated Association of Iron and Steel Workers — Basis of wages 
prior to 1889 — Basis proposed by the Carnegie Company — Shut- 
down pending the adjustment of scale for 1889 — Attempt to place 
deputies in mill — Conferences in regard to scale for 1892 — The 
scale prepared by the Carnegie Company — Disappointment at 
Homestead <over the disagreement — Preparation for the strike — 
Mr Frick applies to the Pinkertons. 

The Homestead trouble of 1892 was a fight 
between the largest steel manufacturing concern 
in the w T orld, and what had generally been regarded 
as the most compadl and completely fortified body 
of organized labor in the industrial universe. 

The first of the principals, the Carnegie Steel 
Company, Limited, had always been a huge con- 
cern, but in the five years preceding the famous 
conflict had almost doubled in proportions. The 
company had an authorized capital of $25,000,000, 
understood to be fully represented in the many 
plants operated. These were the Edgar Thomson 
furnaces and Edgar Thomson steel works at Besse- 



20 

mer, the Duquesne steel works, situated about 
three miles above Homestead on the Monongahela 
river, the Homestead steel works, the Lucy fur- 
naces, Pittsburg, the Keystone bridge works, Pitts- 
burg, the Upper Union mills and the Lower Union 
mills at Pittsburg, the Beaver Falls mills at Beaver 
Falls, Pa., the Scotia ore mines in Center county, 
Pa., the Latimer coke works in Westmoreland 
county, and the Youghiogheny coke works on the 
Pittsburg, McKeesport & Youghiogheny railroad 
in the state of Pennsylvania. At these places the 
company employed about 13,000 persons, about 
4,200 of whom worked at the Homestead steel 
works. 

This plant of itself was at the time of the labor 
trouble the greatest of its kind in the United 
States. It consisted of sixteen open hearths, one 
Bessemer, one armor plate, one steel plate (boiler), 
and one blooming mill. In addition to these there 
were three structural mills of different sizes, known 
as the thirty-five, thirty-three, twenty-three, and 
ten-inch mills. These varied departments were 
equipped with the most advanced types of modern 
labor-saving machinery, a huge hydraulic press in 
the armor plate department, a mammoth machine 
shop, waterworks, and gas producers, making in all 
about fifty acres under roof. Appertaining to the 
plant itself was a small railroad system, which had 
in its motive power equipment, eighteen small 
u dinky " locomotives and four full sized switching 
engines. The Pittsburg, McKeesport & Youghio- 



21 

gheny railroad running directly through the works 
afforded direct means of transportation for the out- 
put of the works, which amounted to about 25,000 
tons a month, or fifty per cent, more in the rough. 
This estimate of materials used does not include 
coal and lime, which were always used in vast 
quantities. Steel ingots so large that they weighed • 
seven tons or more, have been cast in this mill, 
which had in addition to other appliances of a 
similar nature twelve mammoth traveling cranes 
for handling objects of great weight. The armor 
plate manufactured at Homestead for the use of 
the government was of all classes and sizes. 
Among the other products of these mills may be 
mentioned all classes and sizes of boiler and bridge 
plate, open hearth and Bessemer steel billets, 
blooms, beams, channels, angles, flats and rounds, 
— in fact, all classes of structural materials. While 
many of these details may not be wholly intelligi- 
ble to the general reader, they will certainly suffice 
to show that the Homestead steel mills as a whole, 
formed an enormous plant, the value of which has 
been estimated at not less than $6,000,000. This 
plant was started in 1881 and was used for Besse- 
mer steel blooms and billets. At that time it was 
known as the Pittsburg and Bessemer Steel Com- 
pany. In the three years preceding the strike of 
1892 the plant had grown to double its capacity in 
1889. 

These works are responsible for the existence of 
the town of Homestead, at least for the prosperity 



22 

which it enjoyed for the decade prior to the sum- 
mer of 1892. The plant lies just above the town 
itself, and is properly in the borough of Munhall. 
It extends from the edge of the Monongahela, back 
to what is known as Eighth street. Homestead is 
just below the works, and is a town of about eight 
thousand inhabitants, having grown to this num- 
ber from an insignificant hamlet, almost unknown 
at the time the steel works were first started. 
Opposite Homestead is the town of Swissvale. 
where are Ipcated the works of the Union Switch 
and Signal Company, while just above the latter is 
the historic town of Braddock, on the outskirts of 
which are the Edgar Thomson interests of the 
Carnegie concern. 

The Amalgamated Association of Iron and Steel 
Workers is an organized body of skilled laborers, 
numbering about 25,000. Of this number there 
were in the eight lodges at Homestead in 1892 
about 800 — the remainder of the employes were 
not eligible to membership. Up to the year 1889, 
these skilled workmen were paid on a permanent 
yearly basis, but at this time Andrew Carnegie, 
still actively engaged in the management of the 
affairs of the concern, proposed a sliding scale of 
wages. This was followed by a general expression 
of disapproval on the part of the men, who pre- 
ferred to have a permanent basis of remuneration 
maintained. The sliding scale, being based on the 
price of steel billets, would of necessity be gov- 
erned by the fluctuations of the steel market, and 



2 3 

it was Mr Carnegie's intention that the wages 
earned by his employes should correspond with the 
earnings of the business. However, the tonnage 
men prepared a fixed scale for the company to sign. 
This was not accepted, and a strike ensued. Dur- 
ing the shut-down the company attempted to place 
one hundred deputies, under Sheriff McCandless, in 
charge of the plant. They came to Homestead to 
take possession, but were driven out like sheep, by 
the women who used scalding water and other 
similar ammunition. There were grave apprehen- 
sions of serious trouble, but the men and their 
employers were again brought together, reaching 
an amicable agreement. At this conference, which 
lasted for more than twelve hours, the sliding scale 
was adopted. Its stipulations were that the mini- 
mum basis per ton be fixed in accordance with the 
market price of steel billets ; the necessary re- 
arrangement to be effected at the end of every 
three months. The contract signed at the time 
was for three years. The minimum price of steel 
billets in this contract was $25 per ton, so that 
while the market might fall below that limit, the 
w^ages of the men would not be affected. For the 
first half of the three years of this contract, the 
average market price of the steel billets w^as about 
$27. During the latter half of that period, how- 
ever, the market slumped, so that while steel bil- 
lets dropped in value to from $22.50 to $23.50 per 
ton, the wages of the men were maintained on the 
basis of the $25 minimum. At the time of the 



24 

signing of this agreement the men had held out 
for a minimum basis of $27, but finally acceded to 
the ultimatum of their employers. 

As the time for the expiration of this contract 
approached, the eight lodges of the Amalgamated 
Association at Homestead appointed a dozen rep- 
resentatives to draft terms for a new scale, subject 
to the approval of the annual convention of the 
Amalgamated Association, to be held at Pittsburg, 
June, 1892. The terms having been approved by 
the major body, nothing remained but to obtain 
the signature of the Carnegie people to the con- 
tract. When the scale of 1889 was signed, Wil- 
liam Iv. Abbott was the chairman of the Carnegie 
firm, then known as Carnegie Brothers & Co., Mr 
Carnegie being actively interested, as hitherto no- 
ticed. Shortly after this, Mr Abbott retired, hav- 
ing been succeeded by H. C. Frick, the noted 
millionaire coke operator. In June, 1892, just 
about the time of the annual meeting of the 
Amalgamated Association ; the Carnegie interests 
were consolidated into the Carnegie Steel Com- 
pany, Limited, with Mr Frick at the head. The 
new organization was an association ; not a cor- 
poration. A limited partnership formed under 
special statute. The capitalization was placed at 
$25,000,000. Mr Frick's authority to deal with 
the men was supreme, and in subsequent confer- 
ences he represented the entire concern ; not only 
as owners of the works at Homestead, but the 
various other plants enumerated in the beginning 



of this chapter. In his dealings with employes, 
particularly in the famous coke workers' strike in 
the Connellsville region, Mr Frick had shown 
himself to be a man of rare executive ability, inci- 
sive in his methods, rapid of thought and action. 
His conflict with the coke workers in the early 
spring of 1889, and victor}' over one of the strong- 
est labor organizations, was still fresh in the minds 
of everyone when the time for signing the Amal- 
gamated wage scale drew nigh. Realizing Mr 
Frick's antipathy to organized labor, the men 
apprehended trouble. 

When the conference committee from the Amal- 
gamated Association called on Mr Frick, they were 
presented with a new scale prepared by the officers 
of the Carnegie Company. The essential points 
in the new contract were that $22 per ton be the 
minimum price of steel billets, instead of S25, 
and that all contracts between the men and the 
company terminate at the end of the calendar 
year, instead of midsummer, as before. These 
stipulations were at once rejected by the men. 
The first was objectionable because it cut wages, 
while the second failed to meet with approval on 
several grounds, chief of which was that the men 
did not care to run chances of being idle in the 
winter. Then again it was justly urged that the 
summer was the proper time for all steel mills to 
shut down, on account of the extreme heat. When 
the new scale was presented to the men the com- 
pany announced that conferences for its considera- 



26 

tion might be held until June 24, after which date 
the company would not meet its employes. On 
the morning of June 23 six representatives of the 
men called at the company's offices for a final 
conference. They still held out for the $25 mini- 
mum, and demanded that contracts terminate in 
July. The argument lasted many hours, ex- Vice- 
president W. T. Roberts of the Amalgamated Asso- 
ciation doing most of the talking for the men, while 
Mr Frick represented the company's side. Both 
sides remained firm, and by noon-time nothing like 
a settlement had been reached. The mass of 
figures presented by both sides, the complicated 
rules and the generally lenghty text of each scale 
caused much discussion. At half past one o'clock 
a recess for lunch was taken, the conference being 
resumed at three, lasting from that hour until late 
in the evening. As the afternoon wore away, each 
side showed a slight disposition to make conces- 
sions ; the wage earners' committee offering to 
lower the minimum rate to $24, while Mr Frick 
signified his willingness to raise his ultimatum to 
$23, leaving a difference of $1 per ton to be 
adjusted. But on the question of the termination 
of the contract Mr Frick was unyielding, while on 
their part the men were fully as firm. It finally 
became apparent that no agreement could be 
reached, so the conference adjourned. 

As soon as it became known in Homestead that 
the scale had not been signed, disappointment was 
expressed on all sides. The men had hoped for 



2 7 

the best all along, but were apprehensive that Mr 
Frick would not concede anything, or at least 
would not come to an agreement with the con- 
ferees, so when the details of the meeting became 
noised about the town, preparations for a strike 
were begun. The company also took immediate 
steps to prepare itself for a long siege. The next 
day Mr Frick applied to the Pinkerton detective 
agency for 300 guards, and it was proven by cor- 
respondence shown at the Congressional investiga- 
tion that he had written to Robert Pinkerton on 
the subject prior to June 22, or some days before 
the fruitless conference. 



CHAPTER II. 



Correspondence between H. C. Frick and R. A. Pinkerton — Forti- 
fication of "Fort Frick" by the Carnegie Company — Laying of 
hot water pipes around the grounds — Preparations to shut down — 
Homestead to be run with non-union men — The barges Monon- 
gahela and Iron Mountain — H. C. Frick asks the County for 
protection — The Sheriff's refusal to accept the services of Home- 
stead citizens as deputies — System of signals — Arrival of depu- 
ties—The deputies return to Pittsburg. 

Some testimony given by H. C. Frick, chairman 
of the board of the Carnegie Steel Company, at 
the Congressional investigation of the Homestead 
troubles, showed that the concern had anticipated 
a refusal of the men to accede to their employ- 
ers' ultimatum. In the course of his testi- 
mony a letter was read, signed by himself, and 
addressed to R. A. Pinkerton, New York City. It 
bore the date of June 25, 1892,— the day after the 
conference referred to in the last chapter. This 
letter not only instructed the Pinkerton concern 
that the Carnegie people wanted three hundred 
" guards " to protect the works when the time 
came for operation, July 6, but referred to previous 
correspondence on the same subject. 



29 

A few weeks before the conference the company- 
erected an enormous fence completely encircling 
the works. This fortification was ten feet in aver- 
age height, although in some places it was even 
higher. The fence was substantially constructed 
of double inch stock, two rows of barbed wire 
being nailed on the top all the way around the 
works. The fortification shut off all possible view 
of the property from without, causing the whole 
place to be given the name of Fort Frick. 
Certain free trade papers throughout the country 
took up this title, heralding it throughout the 
land, so that it became even more familiar than 
the name of the borough itself. The company 
gave no reason for the step they took in shutting 
off their plant from vulgar gaze, but at the time 
it was understood generally among the men that 
the primary object was to shut out the strikers. 
Port holes, three inches in diameter, were bored 
through this stockade, every twenty-five feet, 
commanding a full sweep of Munhall station by 
the company. Mr Frick said these orifices were 
made to command a view of the outside, but failed 
to explain their extraordinary number. Large 
water pipes were laid along the inside of the fence 
through which it was said either hot or cold water 
could be turned upon any invading force. 

Failing to get the men to sign the new scale, 
every preparation usual to a shut-down was made 
by the company, although the Advisory Board of 
the Amalgamated Association instructed its men to 



3° 

work until the morning of July i, at six o'clock 
However, the company commenced discharging 
men in squads of one or two hundred on the day 
after the conference. They added to their other 
precautionary measures a huge scow, equipped 
with a powerful search-light, to protect the works 
from an approach from the river under the cover 
of night. The operation of this illuminant so 
interfered with boat navigation, that the company 
discontinued its use after a few nights. 

The fortification of the property having been 
completed, the company announced, through .its 
chairman, that, after July i, the Homestead steel 
works would be operated as a non-union mill, and 
that the company would only deal with its men as 
individuals, and not as members of any organized 
body. Notices were posted, informing the em- 
ployes that after a certain date the places of those 
who failed to sign would be considered vacant. 
This met with very little attention from the arti- 
sans. Simultaneously with the posting of this 
warning, the Carnegie people signed the Amal- 
gamated scale for the Thirty-third street mill, 
Pittsburg. It was inferred by this move that the 
capitalists feared a long siege, and intended to fill 
contracts on hand for structural steel at this mill, 
in event of their being unable to complete them at 
Homestead. The latter plant was much larger, of 
course, but as the Pittsburg mills were able to turn 
out the same class of commercial work, the infer- 
ence was but natural. 



3 1 

It was the determined intention of the company 
to start the Homestead steel works on the 6th of 
July, and the men in turn were determined if pos- 
sible to prevent the consummation of the well laid 
plans to this end. Having engaged the Pinker- 
tons, Mr Frick instructed that they be brought to 
Homestead from Chicago by way of Youngstown 
and Bellevue (a short distance below Allegheny on 
the Fort Wayne road), where they were to take 
the barges for their destination. These barges, the 
Monongahela and the Iron Mountain, were fitted 
up by the company, and for several days lay in the 
Ohio river, at the foot of Beaver avenue, Alle- 
gheny. They attracted much attention on account 
of the manner in which they were equipped. 
They were supplied with bunks, cots and culinary 
arrangements to accommodate over a thousand 
men. No person seemed to know for what use 
they were intended, although work on them was 
in progress several days prior to their fatal trip ; 
and the mysterious atmosphere surrounding every- 
one connected with the vessels caused no little 
newspaper comment. However, on the night of 
July 5, about ten o'clock, the steamers Little Bill 
and Tide, each bearing a passenger license, moved 
them down to Bellevue, where they took on their 
ill-fated human freight. The steamers had three 
extra engineers aboard, as if trouble were antici- 
pated with the crew when the latter learned of 
their true mission. During the days preceding the 
embarking of the barges, several men were actively 



3^ 

engaged in loading them with boxes of various 
sizes, understood to contain bedding, food and 
ammunition. 

On Independence day, Mr Frick publicly an- 
nounced, through his secretary, that he would put 
the Homestead mills in the hands of the county if 
necessary, asking that one hundred special deputy 
sheriffs be enlisted. On the same day he notified 
Sheriff William H. McCleary of the presence of 
the locked out men on the premises of the 
Carnegie company, demanding protection of him 
as the executive official of Allegheny county. 
Acting on this communication, Mr McCleary 
repaired to Homestead on the following morning, 
going before the Advisory Committee of the Amal- 
gamated Association. He notified these gentlemen 
that he would send deputies to guard the Carnegie 
property. He received courteous treatment, and 
was shown through the mills by the men. On his 
return to the committee's headquarters, he was 
told that the people of Homestead, both before the 
present trouble had come, and since its precipita- 
tion, had expressed their intention not only to 
guard their own property, but also that of their 
employers. The spokesman offered anywhere from 
fifty to five hundred of Homestead's best and most 
reliable citizens, secured by any requisite bond, to 
serve as deputies. It was explained that the pres- 
ence of foreign deputies would be likely to incite 
further trouble. This offer Mr McCleary declined. 
While admitting its fairness, he said it would be 



33 

impossible for him to accept, concluding with the 
assertion that he would bring up deputies from 
Pittsburg the same afternoon. In reply the 
advisory board announced that it would dissolve, 
rather than attempt to take the consequences that 
might follow the introduction of the sheriff's men. 
This intelligence spread over the borough with 
astonishing rapidity, and in half an hour almost 
every man, woman and child within the town 
limits was on the streets. Business men began to 
circulate petitions asking the Governor to interfere, 
the general excitement having grown to fever heat. 
The system of signaling from point to point in 
guarding the town from the approach of undesira- 
ble visitors had been perfected, and gossip had it 
that the Pinkertons were coming that afternoon. 
Everyone knew, however, that the deputy sheriffs 
would certainly come, and an attempt was made to 
receive them in such a manner that they would 
not be able to reach the premises, although every 
man in Homestead was determined that no blood 
should be shed. The railroad station in Home- 
stead was packed with people when the five o'clock 
train steamed in. But no deputies got off. They 
were discovered however, and the whole borough 
flocked to Munhall station, a half mile above. 
Here they found that twelve men, under Deputy 
Sheriff Samuel B. Cluley, had gotten off the train 
and attempted to force an entrance into the 
property, which was denied them by the hundreds 
of determined men on guard. The workmen were 



34 

packed in against the gates in a solid phalanx, and 
seeing the uselessness of an attempt to force an 
entrance their leader attempted to coax the self- 
appointed guards into relenting, but without 
success. There was no use of force by either side. 
So, finally, Mr Cluley took his dozen coadjutors 
back again, being escorted across the river by 
members of the Advisory Committee in a boat em- 
ployed for the purpose, to a suburb of Pittsburg, 
where they took the trolley cars into the city. 

During the same day the sheriff posted notices 
all over Homestead and Munhall calling the atten- 
tion of the general public to the fact that those 
interfering with the operation of the Homestead 
steel works were liable to arrest, fine and imprison- 
ment, and commanding all to abstain from congre- 
gating or assembling about the company's property, 
under penalty of the law. The company announced 
through the medium of the newspapers that they 
anticipated no trouble and that they expected to 
begin repair work on the following week, and to 
have 500 or more men at work at that time. They 
further declared that they anticipated the return of 
fully 2,000 of the strikers. Notwithstanding this 
declaration, the borough of Homestead was still in 
a fever. The narrow streets were one congestion 
of humanity, and while all were orderly, it was 
easy to see that there was much suppressed excite- 
ment, and that the citizens apprehended serious 
trouble. 



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THOMAS J. CRAWFORD. 



CHAPTER III. 



On the alert — No backward steps — Officials worried — Suppressed 
excitement — The "Little Bill" and the Barges — Giving the alarm 
Off for the River — Armed forces — In possession — The ugly Win- 
chesters — A volley of hot shots — The first to fall — A wild 
scramble. 



Not a soul rested in Homestead on the night of 
July 5. The guards about the outskirts of the 
borough and those within the steel works had been 
increased by voluntary additions to almost 2,000 
men, every one on the alert. During the early 
evening there were several false alarms proclaiming 
the approach of invaders, but the general excite- 
ment became thoroughly allayed by midnight. 
The stand taken by the company was* impossible of 
misconstruction. The men knew only too well 
that the Carnegie people intended to operate the 
plant with non-union workmen, and if necessary, 
would spend hundreds of thousands of dollars to 
carry out this purpose. The announcements of 
the company, practically predicting that they would 
recognize no obstacle between them and a victory 
over the Amalgamated Association, worried the 



38 

officials of the letter not a little. They knew how 
the foreign element among the Homestead laborers 
scorned force, and were eqnally well aware of the 
determination with which they would resist any 
attempt to invade the steel plant. Then they were 
assured that the company would land its armed 
forces on the ground by the following night, if not 
within the next few hours. 

Earnest consultations were held and all the men 
advised and entreated not to shed any blood. All 
promised that no violence should be offered to the 
expected invaders unless the latter forced a fight. 
The leaders with occasional exceptions did not go. 
to bed, remaining up with the watchers. A few 
women and children slept, while the rest of the 
town was in a fever of wakeful excitement. There 
was no drinking, no loud talking, and no indication 
that anything unusual was about to happen ; the 
only thing out of the ordinary being the number of 
men patrolling the streets. In Pittsburg the excite- 
ment was equally intense. The streets were filled 
with men, all the night, but there was no disorder. 

At a little after 2 o'clock in the morning of July 
6, word was telephoned to the office of a morning 
newspaper that the Little Bill, towing two barges 
filled with armed men, had just passed Lock No. 1 
on the Monongahela river. The system of patrol- 
ling the river was so perfect that no sooner had the 
barges started than word was sent to Homestead. 

The tow-boat, Little Bill, had lain at the Davis 
Island dam on the Ohio river during the evening 



39 

of July 5, having in tow the two barges well forti- 
fied and provisioned. At i o'clock the special 
train from Ashtabula bearing the ill-fated Pinker- 
tons ^ arrived at Bellevue. They alighted and 
were marched over to the floats which were soon 
being propelled up the Ohio river to the Point at 
Pittsburg, and thence to Homestead. Every man 
was armed with a Winchester rifle, with fifty 
rounds of ammunition. It had been the intention 
to slip these guards into the works by night, thus 
turning the tables on the men. But the fact that 
the plan failed of consummation is. now history. 
As the barges approached Lock No. i , one of the • 
Homestead scouts who had been scrutinizing the 
flotilla very closely, observed the presence of armed 
men on each of the barges. An instant later a 
horseman had crossed the upper bridge, headed for 
the south side of the river, and was soon on a wild 
gallop to Homestead. Within a half hour he had 
reached the little city and given the alarm. 

The effect was electrical. It is impossible to 
comprehend the wild-fire-like rapidity with which 
the intelligence was communicated to every one in 
the borough, much less to understand by what 
facility the news spread. The town was instantly 
in an uproar. The preconcerted signal, blasts from 
the electric light plant whistle, filled the air with 
hoarse, ominous shrieks. Humanity began to pour 
from the houses and buildings all over the town. 
Men, women and children who but an instant 
before had been in sound sleep, thronged into the 



40 

streets like panic-stricken sheep. Then the men 
began to shout : "On to the river ! " " To the 
river ! " u The scabs are coming ! " " Don't let the 
black sheep land ! " 

Within ten minutes after the arrival of the 
horseman not a soul was indoors. The streets were 
one surging, congested mass of human beings 
headed for the river bank, shouting, cursing, 
screaming and laughing. Some knew not why 
they were there and were amused. Others appre- 
ciated the gravity of the situation and took things 
very seriously. Many openly carried guns, rifles, 
revolvers and improvised firearms. Some had 
clubs which they had picked up on the street ; 
others tore pickets from the fences as they passed 
along ; others were empty-handed. 

When the first of this vast throng of several 
thousand reached the bank all was dark, the dense 
fog then hanging over the valley almost obscuring 
even the lights of the blast furnaces on the opposite 
side of the Monongahela at Braddock. The river 
bank having been reached, the men turned up the 
stream toward the works. As they ran along the 
rough, uneven surface of the bank, from .mouth to 
mouth was passed along the word that five hundred 
non-union men were coming up the river on boats, 
to be landed in the works and to take the places of 
the locked-out men. This served to accelerate 
their already rapid pace, and in a few seconds later 
the men were in a dead run. Reaching the center 
of the famous barricade on the river's edge, just 



4* 

above the old city farm, some one made the sugges- 
tion that it be torn down. In the twinkling of an 
eye, the crowd having taken kindly to the sugges- 
tion, surged up against a ten-rod section of the 
fortification, and it went down like a woodshed 
before a Kansas cyclone. With a glad paean of 
triumph the men rushed over the wreck into the 
company's property, taking undisputed possession 
of the works. 

Soon the first blushing streaks of midsummer 
dawn began to redden the sky. No approaching 
boat had been either heard or seen, though thou- 
sands of eyes were strained to catch a first glimpse 
of the invading armada. Suddenly a mighty shout 
from the lower end of the town announced that 
the headlight of the approaching steamer had been 
sighted. Those above the bend in the stream could 
not see her, but the line was so close that word of 
the appearance of the Little Bill went from mouth 
to mouth with the rapidity of an electric shock. A 
few moments later the red lights of the boat were 
discernible through the dense mists of the fog by 
the men at the mill. Another cheer, more mighty 
than the first, greeted the sight. The men rushed 
to the water's edge, the flotilla coming up to them 
with rapidity. Firmly secured between the two 
barges the Little Bill proceeded up to a point- 
directly in front of the center of the mill yard, 
running them closely against the shore where they 
grounded with a soft crunching sound of the gravel 
against the keels. 



42 

Then followed an interval of painful silence. 
Directly forty or fifty men stepped out from a door 
in the end of the nearer barge to the small deck on 
the bow. Each man carried a 45-70 Winchester 
repeater, and on every face was stamped an 
expression of dogged defiance, almost desperation. 
Through the small doorway at their backs could be 
seen many more faces wearing similar expressions, 
their owners carrying those ugly looking magazine 
guns. 

A gangplank was thrown out by a man who 
seemed to be the leader of the invading party, and 
the men started toward it. A glance at the thou- 
sands on the shore deterred them. They hesitated, 
then half turned as if to go back. " Don't step 
off that boat !" came a warning from the shore, but 
a rough voice of some one in authority over the 
Pinkertons commanded in stern tones " forward." 
Just as the little column moved toward the gang- 
plank a shot came from the boat. It was the first 
of thousands and failed to hit a human mark. No 
one knew exactly from whence it came, but some 
one announced that it came from a port-hole in the 
side of one of the barges, this intelligence provok- 
ing a volley from the guns of a score of the 
watchers on the land. Then all was silent for a 
moment as the invaders ranged in line. They 
raised forty rifles, and forty bullets were an instant 
later hurled into the ranks of the crowd. Martin 
Murray, a rougher, fell headlong into a heap of 
ashes, slightly wounded. Most of the other shots 



43 

must have been aimed into the air, as no other 
person is known to have been hurt during the first 
exchange of shots, notwithstanding the fact that 
the crowd was so dense that the men could scarcely 
turn around. 

A wild scramble for shelter followed. Up the 
steep bank into the mill yard and down the river 
toward the waterworks they hurried for their lives. 
All this time, however, the Pinkertons kept up a 
rattling fire, which was briskly returned by about 
two hundred of the millworkers, some of whom 
stood their ground, while others had retreated .to 
the mill yard at the top of the bank, gaining pro- 
tection, behind piles of steel billets. 




54 

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CHAPTER IV. 



Three instantly killed — The striker's eloquent plea — Defiant guards 
Erecting breastworks — -Renewing the fight — Four more shot — 
The pilot disappears — Slugs and grapeshot — A mill hand's fate 
— Dynamite — Terrific explosions — Burning oil — A white flag — 
"No quarter" — An elevated view — Pleading for their lives. 

When Murray had fallen Joseph Sotak stooped 
to render assistance and he himself was struck on 
the upper lip by a bullet, which dropped him dead 
by the side of his fallen companion. In the mean- 
time, Henry Streigle, who had retreated to the top 
of the hill and was firing at the men on the boat, 
fell over with a leaden missile in his throat. He 
died in a few moments. On the boat the man who 
seemed to be leading the armed party was shot and 
fell to the deck. After he had been removed to 
the inside, and the men on the boat retreated into 
the covered barges, firing ceased on both sides. 

Then came a conference between the leaders on 
the shore and a stout, middle-aged man on the boat, 
who seemed to be a leader. Said the millworker, 
who had stepped down to the water's edge : 

" On behalf of 5,000 men I beg of you to leave 
here at once. I don't know who you are nor 



4 6 

from whence you came, but I do know that you 
have no business here, and if you remain there will 
be more bloodshed. We, the workers in these 
mills, are peaceably inclined. We have not 
damaged any property and we do not intend to. 
If you will send a committee with us we will take 
th'em through the works, carefully explain to them 
all the details of this trouble, and promise them'a 
safe return to their boats. But in the name of God 
and humanity don't attempt to land ! Don't 
attempt to enter these works by force ! " 

The leader on the boat, resting his rifle across 
his left arm, stepped to the front, and, in a voice 
that could be heard by those on the bank, said : 

" Men, we are Pinkerton detectives. We were 
sent here to take possession of this property and to 
guard it for the company. We don't wish to shed 
blood, but,we are determined to go up there and 
shall do so. If you men don't withdraw, we will 
mow every one of you down and enter in spite of 
you. You had better disperse, for land we will ! " 

A deathly silence followed this speech, and then 
the leader of the millworkers spoke again. Every 
man within the sound of his voice listened with 
breathless attention. He said : 

" I have no more to say. What you do here is 
at the risk of many lives. Before you enter those 
mills you will trample over the dead bodies of 
3,000 honest workingmen." 

The next two hours were passed in ominous 
silence. The leader of the Pinkertons at 6 o'clock 



47 

stepped out and commanded the strikers to disperse, 
as at 7 o'clock he would take his men into the mills 
against all obstacles. But before that hour arrived 
the millworkers had erected substantial breastworks 
of structural steel, behind which they crouched 
with loaded guns. 

At 7:45 o'clock the Pinkertons stepped out on 
the forward deck preparatory to landing. The 
leader swinging an oar was the first to emerge, but 
before he or the men behind him could make a 
jump, a rattling volley from the mill yard caused 
them to retreat hastily, and four men dropped in 
their tracks. The Pinkertons returned the fire 
from the port-holes and from the ends of the boat, 
wounding a number of workers who were in 
exposed positions. The firing from the boat was 
kept up thereafter at intervals until 10 o'clock. 

At 9 o'clock the fusilade became strong and 
heavy. The millworkers had secured a small 
cannon and planted it on the hillside, concealed by 
shrubbery on the opposite side of the river, from 
which position they were firing at the boat. The 
men behind the steel barricade and a number of 
sharpshooters who had been distributed along the 
river front, at the same time were doing lively 
work. The Little Bill, with her dead and injured 
Pinkertons, had withdrawn early in the second 
skirmish to Port Perry, leaving the barges moored, 
but just when the exchange of shots was the 
heaviest, she returned and steamed in for the 
barges. 



4 8 

A derisive yell from the 150 men behind the 
barricade and the 2,000 unarmed who were back in 
the mill on the trestles and other points out of 
range, greeted the little steamer. A hot volley 
from the sharpshooters and the millworkers raked 
the steamer fore and aft as she turned her broad- 
side toward the shore. 

A dozen bullets struck the pilot house, and the 
occupant thereof dropped so suddenly that it was 
supposed he had met death, while the crowd of 
workers broke into cheers. Men on the boat 
returned the fire, but instead of landing, the Little 
Bill floated on down past the works, running the 
fiercest blockade that has been witnessed on this 
continent since the days of 1865. There was a 
perfect shower of lead from the boat, but it was 
returned with an energy to which her perforated 
sides attested for weeks, and this attack was kept 
up as long as the craft was in range. 

During this fusilade the cannon across the river 
was" busily engaged. Scrap iron, nails and slugs 
were being fired. Suddenly Silas Wain, sitting on 
a pile of beams in the mill yard out of range of the 
guns of the boats, was seen to keel over. A dozen 
men ran to him. A piece of scrap from the cannon 
had struck him in the neck, severing the jugular 
vein and almost tearing off his head. He was 
instantly killed. 

This stopped the cannonading from the north 
side of the river, and by a code of signals known to 
themselves, the workers signaled and the cannon 



49 

was removed to the mill. It was planted behind a 
big armor plate, and stood on end twenty-five 
yards from the boat. Men came running with gun 
powder, and soon the little brass instrument of 
death was being fired at the boats, while the sharp- 
shooters kept iip an incessant popping at the 
exposed portions of the barges. After a time a 
hole was broken in the brick wall of the pump- 
house and the cannon was taken into that shelter 
within forty feet of the boat, but the gun could not 
be trained on the barges, and the position was 
abandoned for the original one behind the armor 
plate. The cannon, however, proved ineffectual in 
piercing the iron-clad roofs of the boats, which had 
evidently been prepared for just such a contingency 
as this, and the workers, desperate beyond reason, 
began to invent other means of attack. 

Numerous big packages of dynamite sticks, 
weighing a half pound each, were brought, and 
from their barricaded shelter- the men began throw- 
ing them at the boats. The explosions were terrific. 
When the dynamite sticks struck the roofs of the 
boats they demonstrated the character of the roof 
coverings. Not a mark was left where the explo- 
sion occurred. The violence of the explosive stuff 
could be heard for miles around, and it was kept 
up, now and then varied by the report of the 
cannon or the sharp crack of the rifles, until 4 
o'clock in the evening. 

In the morning a few barrels of oil were poured 
upon the water with the intention of setting fire to 



5o 

it as it floated down on the surface, and thereby 
igniting the boats themselves, but the quality of 
the oil would not permit of its burning. This 
desperate move so frightened the Pinkerton men 
that thereafter not a shot was fired from the barges. 

At noon the terrified guards in tljp doomed boats 
again raised the white flag. Again were heard the 
shouts of the infuriated mill men : " No quarter ! " 

The white flag was withdrawn, but scarcely had 
the door closed when the cannon spoke again and 
the splinters flew from the bow of the Mononga- 
hela. One of the Pinkertons showed himself and 
a dozen shots rang out from the sharpshooters 
among the workers. The body of a man fell on 
the bow of the boat. Then it settled down to a 
steady fight. 

By this time hundreds of the strikers had received 
arms ; every pile of iron held a sharpshooter watch- 
ing for a human target. Every stack of coal that 
faced the river, was a fort. The strongholds of the 
workers were in the laboratory, the water tank, the 
pump houses and the gas house. Several did very 
effective work from an old shearing machine under 
the Pemicky bridge. A number of others from 
Braddock were sheltered by the piers of the bridge 
on the other side. From these they kept up a 
continuous fire as long as a target was offered. All 
along the Pemicky road were thousands of men 
and women. 

The long trestle and the new station in the mill 
were black with people who cheered on the sharp- 



5 1 

shooters below, while the deserted offices of the 
Carnegie plate mill were crowded with eager peo- 
ple. The hills on both sides of the rivers were 
lined with watchers, who cheered loudly whenever 
a Pinkerton man was seen to fall. The sight of 
blood maddened them. 

" Don't let one escape alive ! " they shouted. 

Hugh O'Donnell, who had done all that was 
possible to avert bloodshed, at this point invited a 
party of newspaper men to the cupola of the new 
converting mill, but recently erected. From there 
they had a full view of the boats and the crowd. 
Many a battle has gone down in history where less 
shooting was done and fewer people were killed. 
There were hundreds of men, well armed, thirsting 
for the lives of others in the boat, while thousands 
of men and women stood just out of range and 
cheered them on. Each crack of a rifle made them 
more blood-thirsty and each boom of the cannon 
more eager for the blood of the officers. One of 
the strikers remarked : 

" There are but two weeks between civilization 
and barbarism, and I believe it will take onlv two 
davs of this wx>rk to make the change." 

Indeed, it looked as if the veneering of gentility 
had already been cracked. 

Then another shot and another cheer told that 
somebody had been hit. The Pinkertons were too 
badly scared to make any effort to shoot, and were 
crowded like sheep into the barge w^hich lay 
farthest from shore. Fresh ammunition and arms 



52 

had arrived from Pittsburg for the strikers and the 
men bent harder to their tasks. They worked 
nearer the river that their fire might be more 
deadly. The workers could be seen dragging 
their bodies like snakes along the ground to where 
they could get a better shot. The cannon would 
again roar, but the shot would land in the water 
above the boat. Once a piece of one of the doors 
fell with the shot. Several of the imported officers 
were revealed, and a score of shots were fired in 
quick succession. Some one must have fallen, for 
cheer on cheer of triumph went up from thousands 
of throats. At every shot of the cannon thereafter 
a volly of shots was heard from the sharpshooters, 
who had seen some one on the boat. They only 
shot when they saw something, and every crack of 
a rifle meant an attempt on a human life. 

At i o'clock there was a wild commotion at the 
new station. A tall, brawny workman waved two 
sticks of dynamite high above his head. By his 
side was a basket full of the deadly explosive. 
The excited gathering, that a moment before had 
been wild, was silent, and listened. His voice was 
loud and distinct. He said : 

" Men of Homestead and Fellow Strikers : Our 
friends have been murdered — our brothers have 
been shot dowm before our eyes by hired thugs ! 
The blood of honest workmen has been spilled. 
Yonder in those boats are hundreds of men who 
have murdered our friends and would ravish our 
homes ! Men of Homestead, we must kill them ! 
Not one must escape alive ! " 




W. J. BRENNEN. 



55 

" Aye, aye, aye ! " shouted a half thousand 
voices. Then the Herculean workman continued : 

" The cannon has failed to sink the boats — the 
oil has failed to burn them. Who will follow me ? 
These bombs will do the work ! " 

As he spoke he flourished the dynamite. A score 
of men raised their clubs, and regardless of the fact 
that they were within the range of the Pinkerton 
rifles, followed him. They ran in their haste to 
take human life. They were not savages, but men 
of families, who, perhaps a few hours before, had 
held infants on their knees or kissed their wives 
farewell. They were good, strong men, wrought 
up by the sight of blood, and ready to take the 
lives of those who threatened them and theirs. 

With their penknives they scooped up holes for 
the cartridges and fuse. The latter was very 
short — it would burn quickly. The crowds could 
see them light the matches and hold the messen- 
gers of death until they burned closely. Then, 
with strong right arms drawn until every muscle 
showed like a whipcord, they let fly, and the ex- 
plosions were cheered by the excited men and 
women. The distance was long, and the bombs 
had to be thrown from behind some shelter, and 
many of the missiles fell short of the mark, but 
when one landed on the roof cheer upon cheer 
went up. One man had crawled down on the 
structural iron, and then by making a throw of 
nearly a hundred feet, struck the boat. The front 
end heaved and a few boards flew. He lighted an- 



56 

other fuse and another stick of dynamite. It de- 
scribed a semi-circle in the air, leaving a trail of 
smoke behind. It was going to land squarely on 
top of the Monongahela, but instead of striking 
the roof it splashed into a bucket of water. It siz- 
zled for a moment and then went out without ex- 
ploding. It had hardly died, however, when an- 
other from the pump-honse fell on the roof. It lay 
there smoking a moment while the strikers prayed 
it might wreck the craft. There was an explosion, 
and a hole was torn in the roof. It was not then 
known whether it killed anybody inside, but when 
the boards flew up a gondola hat went flying into 
the air. Another bomb was thrown into the bow 
of the boat. The clearing smoke showed a door 
was gone. Human forms were seen within, which 
was a sign for the sharp-shooters to do some execu- 
tion. At 1:35 o'clock several men went out on the 
bow of the boat to pick up their dead and wounded 
companions. There were a half dozen shots and 
two more men fell. Then came more curses for 
the firm and additional cheers of victory. 

Another stick of dynamite fell five minutes later, 
and in three minutes more another tore off a part 
of the planks. Then the men drew closer and 
their work became more deadly. 

Then it was decided to throw oil again and burn 
the boat. At 12:10 o'clock the hose carriage be- 
longing to the city, and a half dozen barrels of 
lubricating oil were brought to the water tanks, 
together with a fire engine, but there was great dif- 



57 

ficulty in getting it to work. In the meantime a 
new supply of dynamite had arrived. The boxes 
were knocked open and the men drew out the 
explosives as unconcernedly as they would have 
handled their dinners. Then they made another 
rush for the barges and there was more sharp firing. 

About this time a coal steamer's whistle was 
heard and the sharp-shooters stampeded to the rear 
for an instant, thinking another corps of deputies 
had arrived. The alarm was false and they soon 
resumed operations. Then they got the oil to 
flowing, but, as in the morning, it circled around 
the boats and refused to burn. 

The fight still continued and more attempts 
were made to burn the boats and the 300 Pinker- 
tons within. It was 4 o'clock when the giant 
form of President William Weihe, of the Amalga- 
mated Association, appeared. Hundreds followed 
him into one of the mills. He tried to address 
the men but they refused to listen to him. Presi- 
dent-elect Garland was there also, but the cries of 
" burn the boats, kill the Pinkertons, no quarter 
for the murderers," drowned his voice. 

At last, Vice-President McEvey climbed upon 
one of the big converters and told the men that if 
they would permit these officers to go unhurt, he 
promised that not another Pinkerton should ever 
set foot within Homestead. He told them that 
they had avenged the death of their brother labor- 
ers and they acquiesed, but just then the crash of 
a heavy explosion of dynamite was heard, followed 
by a score of shots and more cheers. 



CHAPTER V. 



Waiting and watching — Sufferings of the wounded — An ax at work 
— Another wounded guard — Hugh O'Donnell — His efforts for 
peace — The Stars and Stripes — Again the white flag — The sur- 
render — Victory — Disarmed — Looting the boats — A dreadful 
march — Running the gauntlet — Taking revenge — Pleading for 
mercy. 



For hours the crowd of men, with cocked guns, 
behind the barricades of structural iron within .the 
walls, had watched the barges, waiting for a head 
to appear. Down in the boats sweltering, their 
hearts filled with fear, lay the Pinkertons. The 
sun was beating down on the low roofs of the 
barges, and the air within was stifling. An open- 
ing was not to be thought of, as it would only 
attract a storm of bullets from the angry men 
outside. The sufferings of the wounded in the 
boats must have been awful, not to speak of the 
others, and, as the sun grew hotter, sounds of an 
ax at work within the boat told the crowd that the 
Pinkerton guards were taking desperate chances to 
prevent suffocation. Soon a hole was cut through, 
and a moment later it was made twice as large by 



59 

the bullets from the shore. The axman was 
wounded, and no further attempt was made to 
secure ventilation. Death in a stifling atmosphere 
was better, it was thought by the Pinkertons, than 
from the guns of the crowd on the bank. 

All sorts of plans were tried to fire the ooats. A 
hand fire engine, owned by the steel company, was 
gotten out of its shed and connected with a steel 
oil tank. The oil was pumped down into the river 
and burning waste was thrown after it. This did 
not do, and the stores with overstocked Fourth of 
July fireworks were drawn upon. Rockets, Roman 
candles and the like were used, but without avail. 
The oil was of the lubricating kind and was not as 
inflammable as other grades. But if the mill men 
had succeeded, an appalling fate would have over- 
taken the unhappy men in the barges. To save 
themselves from death in fire they would have 
been forced to face the bullets from the watchers, 
and the escape of any of them alive would almost 
have been beyond hope. 

Seeing their efforts were in vain, the defenders 
of the steel works rested and discussed matters. 
Hugh O'Donnell, cool-headed and anxious to avoid 
further bloodshed, seized a small American flag, 
mounted a pile of iron, and soon had the attention 
of the 2,000 maddened men who were shouting for 
blood. He began to calmly discuss the situation 
and to caution the men to move slowly. His words 
were received with cheers, and finding he had the 
crowd with him, he suggested that a truce be 



6o 

arranged until the arrival of the sheriffs. He said 
a white flag should be carried to the bank and was 
about to explain further, when a shout went up 
from a thousand throats : 

" Show the white flag ! Never ! " was tne cry. 
" They shot at one flag this morning, and if there 
is any white flag to be shown, it must fly from the 
boats ! " 

" What will we do, then?" asked O'Donnell. 

" We will hold them in the boats till the Sheriff 
comes, and we will then swear out warrants for 
every man on a charge of murder. The Sheriff 
will then have to take them in charge," said one 
man, and shouts of approval rent the air. 

Seeing that this was the desire of the men, 
O'Donnell stepped down and went to work to hold 
them to it, and prevent further conflict if possible. 

While the meeting in the mill was in progress 
another one was being held in the boat. The re- 
sult was shown by a white handkerchief being 
shoved cautiously out of an opening, and cheers 
greeted it. 

" They surrender ! Victory ! We have them 
now ! " and like cries rang out. Then Hugh 
O'Donnell, accompanied by two of the old Ad- 
visory Committee, ran down the steep embank- 
ment to receive the message of peace. The spokes- 
man of the Pinkertons announced that they would 
surrender on condition that they be protected from 
the violence of the men. After a short parley this 
was agreed to, though a multitude of enraged men 



6i 

were howling for the blood of those who had killed 
their comrades. 

As soon as the Committee had arranged the pre- 
liminaries, a hundred or more from the shore 
climbed upon the boat. Reporters entered 
and there found one dead and eleven wounded 
Pinkerton men. Asked where they came from, 
one big fellow who looked like a tough, said Bos- 
ton and Chicago had furnished the most of them, 
but there were some from other places. Not more 
than a couple of Pittsburgers were in the gang, he 
said. His experience in the boat was the worst he 
ever had, although he had been in some warm 
places. Some of the men, he said, even cried 
from fear, and not many expected to get away with 
whole skins. The steelworkers did not let them 
talk long, but ordered them to hurry out. The 
first one to leave had his Winchester rifle with 
him. 

" Disarm them ! " cried the crowd on the bank, 
and as each man came out, his gun was taken and 
became the property of him who took it. Then 
began a looting of the boat with the bunks and 
provisions. The uniforms intended for the guards 
were either thrown into the river or given to the 
Hungarians. Everything of the slightest value 
that was portable was carried away by the crowd. 
When the boats had been looted the march of the 
captured crew began. Down the gang plank, one 
by one, they came, and that they might be dis- 
tinguished from the men on the bank, or that none 




RUNNING THE GAUNTLET. 



63 

would get away, they were forced to walk with 
uncovered heads. 

And such a gauntlet as they had to run ! For 
a distance of 2,000 feet one was formed, and 
through this the Pinkerton men walked, ran, 
or crawled as best they could. The first to leave 
got only hoots and jeers. Then, with open hands, 
the men who formed the gauntlet, began to strike 
the uncovered heads. The leaders were unable to 
do anything with the crowd, and soon clubs were 
introduced. This was in the mill yard near the 
end of the gauntlet. The rule was, " when you 
see an uncovered head, hit it." 

" Murder ! murder ! " shrieked the frightened 
ones as the blows rang on their heads. 

" Men, for the love of God, have mercy upon 
me — don't kill me ! " pleaded a gray-haired man 
down whose head and face was flowing blood from 
many wt>unds. Their hats, their satchels and even 
their coats were taken from them, either to be 
torn into shreds or carried away. The police force 
of the steel workers and advisory board tried to 
save them but it was no use. When a man 
reached the top of the bank he would receive a 
blow from a club that would fell him to the earth. 
When he got up he always- ran, and blows from 
fists and clubs were rained upon his unprotected 
head. 

One young fellow, with blanched face, saw what 
awaited him, and burst into tears. Dropping 
to his knees he prayed for mercy, but he was 



6 4 

soon raised to his feet by kicks from all sides. 
Then he started to run and as he did so a blow 
from a blood-stained club laid him low. Two men 
ran to him and escorted him safely to the end of 
the gauntlet. Women, too, were in line, and 
they plied clubs and stones as vigorously as did 
the men. They made more noise, for they were 
hooting and continually urging the men on to the 
fearful work. The only guards that escaped 
assault were the wounded, and they were greeted 
with howls and cries that must have caused them 
to pray for death. 

Through with the gauntlet at the mills, the 
unhappy men had another one to run. On the streets 
were women and children and a few straggling 
steel workers. As the wounded guards ran, mud, 
stones and other missiles struck them, and hoots 
and yells rent the air. Following them was a 
crowd of men whose duty it was to see that none 
got away, and, so far as was learned, not one 
escaped. They were rounded up like frightened 
sheep in a corner of the town and then driven to 
the old rink. Then they were locked in and glad 
were they to be off the streets, for it seemed that 
every man, woman and child felt it a duty to add 
to the misery of each one whose head was cut — 
and each Pinkerton head was bleeding profusely. 
After placing a guard at the hall, the workmen 
withdrew, and a message was sent to W. J. Brennen 
asking him to come to Homestead and advise the 
victors as to the disposal of the prison ers-of-war. 



65 

When the last guard had left the barges, some- 
one cried : " Burn the boats ! " The suggestion was 
a taking one and the excited victors only waited 
long enough to unload several boxes of Win- 
chester rifles and ammunition, and then satisfied 
they had all the arms, the torch was applied to the 
barges, the Iron Mountain and Monongahela simul- 
taneously. The dry wood upon the inside being 
saturated with oil, it was not long until the flames 
were leaping far above the river bank, and the 
crowd was driven back by the intense heat. 

Nero could not have rejoiced more than did 
those steel workers when they saw the barges 
wrapped in flames. They shouted joyfully, 
cheered lustily, and their cries of delight were 
echoed back by men on the other side of the river 
who were standing by the now silent cannon. 
Nor did they cease their manifestations of joy 
until the fire burned to the water's side, and the 
smouldering embers were swallowed up by the 
peaceful river. 

When the crowd had first rushed upon the 
barges after the surrender of the Pinkertons, they 
seemed to be deserted, but hidden under the 
bunks, behind boxes, or anything that offered 
concealment, were the captured ones. They were 
dragged out but not maltreated there. That was 
left to those on the river bank. They shivered, 
though it was hot, and their lips trembled when 
they spoke. One of them, in a pitiful tone, said: 
" For God's sake, don't ask me anything — only 



66 

let me get out of here ! " And the tears rolled 
down his cheeks, marking furrows through the 
perspiration and dust that had gathered there. 

There was an Irishman among the guards, and 
it was so evident that he was an Irishman that it 
was unnecessary to ask him his native land. 
When he got outside and was making his way 
through the gauntlet, an Irish steel-worker caught 
sight of his face. a Luk at the Oirish black-guard !" 
he shouted, and a hundred other sons of Erin 
saw him. " You're a disgrace to your counthry ! " 
they cried, as they showered blows upon his head. 

" Oim as good an Oirishman as any of ye, and 
Oim as good a man, too," he shouted, when he got 
away. 

" Be jabbers, and he's a Tip ! " shouted one of 
his assailants, and he rushed after him to deliver 
a few extra cracks. 

This was only an incident of that terrible 
gauntlet which all had to run. Some of the 
braver ones were inclined to resist the blows and 
indignities at first, but they soon saw that death 
awaited resistance. One of the first things the 
victors did after the surrender was to secure a roll- 
book. It contained 266 names divided into squads 
of 20, each commanded by a lieutenant. This 
book showed that some of the men had been on 
guard at Walston, near Punxsutawney, at Cleve- 
land and other points where labor troubles had 
existed. Such notes as " Strike ended ; transported 
to Walston ; sent to Cleveland," etc., told the story. 



CHAPTER VI. 



Consultation among officials — A message from the wires — Planning 
for relief — Reaching an agreement — A graphic story — Reaching 
the rink — Stripping the guards — Improvised slung-shots — Dis- 
tributing the rifles — Food for hundreds — Firing the boats. 

Realizing the desperate position in which the 
captured Pinkerton men were now placed, and 
the immediate necessity of getting them away 
from the scene of trouble, the Sheriff called in 
William Weihe, President of the Amalgamated 
Association of Iron and Steel Workers, and 
requested him to go to Homestead and endeavor 
to enter into negotiations with the strikers in order 
that the guards might be allowed to depart peace- 
ably. The result of his errand was told in a 
dispatch, as follows : . 

" When I got to Homestead I gathered together 
a number of the leaders of the workmen, the 
Advisory Committee having been disbanded, and 
asked them to go with me to where the crowd was 
assembled, and try to persuade the men to consent 
to the safe departure of the Pinkertons. The 
crowd was so large and the excitement so great 



68 

that it was impossible to get any definite expres- 
sion of the wishes of the men, but I must say there 
was a strong feeling manifested to permit the 
guards to depart without disturbance or further 
bloodshed. " 

The news of the surrender of the Pinkerton 
forces had preceded Mr Weihe to Pittsburg, and 
the question of getting them out of the hands of 
their captors was the subject of a long consultation, 
in Sheriff McCleary's private office, between the 
Sheriff, Mr Weihe, M. M. Garland, president-elect 
of the Amalgamated Association, Secretary Stephen 
Madden, Assistant Secretary Killgallon, Treasurer 
E. A. Keil, P. H. McEvey, and other Amalgamated 
officials, and Judge Porter, C. Iy. Magee, Vincent 
Stevens, W. A. Magee, ex-Sheriff Hunter and Dis- 
trict Attorney Burleigh. 

As no reliable information could be obtained as 
to where the Pinkerton men were held after their 
surrender, it was decided to ascertain, if possible, 
their exact condition, and to then procure a special 
train upon which the Sheriff, with the Amalga- 
mated officials, and Mr W. J. Brennen, the attorney 
for the Homestead men, should proceed to the 
scene of trouble and endeavor to get the surren- 
dered forces away in safety. 

While this plan was in formation, a telephone 
message was received from Dr Gladden, a member 
of the Homestead borough Council, to the effect 
that that body had met the strikers and that an 
agreement had been made by which the Pinkerton 



6 9 

men would be delivered into the custody of the 
Sheriff. 

This apparently simplified matters, and a special 
train was at once procured, which left at 10 o'clock. 
Sheriff McCleary, accompanied by William Weihe, 
Stephen Madden, M. M. Garland, P. H. McEvey, 
Samuel Waltnight, Walter Craig, Assistant Secre- 
tary Killgallon and W. J. Brennen, departed on 
their errand. 

John Martin, ticket agent of the Panhandle and 
Pittsburg, Virginia and Charleston roads, on 
Fourth avenue, was a spectator of the surrender of 
the Pinkertons. Mr Martin thus describes the 
dramatic scene in an interview a few hours after 
the terrible encounter. 

" The crowd at the surrender reminded me of 
some enormous picnic or outdoor gathering* on a 
holiday. The hills on all sides were black with 
people massed together. When the cannon was 
masked in front of the barge, the Pinkertons 
knew it was all up with them, and tried to make 
the best terms possible with the determined crowd 
on the shore. The latter took them from the boat 
in double file and for a moment did not know what 
to do with them. Cries of ' To the woods ! To 
the woods ! Lynch the dogs ! ' were heard on all 
sides. Each one of the men seemed as if he 
wanted a particular man of the guards. After 
considerable parleying some one suggested that 
the prisoners be marched to the big skating rink, 
and there tried for murder. Many of the captors 



7* 

would not listen to this. Some of the Slav labor- 
ers wanted to take the scared Pinkertons and shoot 
them down as they stood. Cooler counsels, how- 
ever, prevailed, and the march to the rink began. 

"The Pinkertons were frightened half to death, 
as the looks of the strikers were not calculated to 
inspire them with any hope of mercy. Many of 
them quaked with fear and had to be supported to 
prevent them from falling to the ground. Several 
thousand people crowded around them from all 
sides and demanded revenge for the killing of the 
steel-workers during the day. In the crowds were 
hundreds of Hungarian women who seemed worse 
than the men. They gathered around and tore 
the clothes from the backs of the guards. The 
latter had their Pinkerton uniforms on over their 
citizens' clothes, and these were torn from their 
backs and tossed into the river. All their fire 
arms were taken from them, and it required con- 
siderable fighting before the leaders could force 
a passage through the crowd. 

" Then, the scenes really began. The poor 
guards, scantily dressed, were forced to march 
through the town to the rink. On both sides stood 
lines of enraged laborers and their friends, hooting 
and yelling as they passed. As the guards pro- 
ceeded .up the gauntlet they were kicked, cuffed 
and beaten from all sides. Their captors tried to 
protect them, but it was a physical impossibility. 
They might as well have tried to stop a fusilade of 
bullets. Women and girls ran out of the lines and 



72 

vrith sticks and clubs beat the poor wretches. One 
woman had a stocking filled with iron, and with 
it she struck one of the Pinkerton men over the 
head. I do not believe that any of them escaped 
without having been cut and bruised. The leaders 
of the strikers could not keep their people away 
from the guards. Scenes that almost beggar 
description were enacted all the way to the rink. 
It was the general supposition that the men would 
be given a speedy trial and be convicted by a 
Judge Lynch jury. 

"While the men were being formed in line for 
the march to the rink, part of the strikers boarded 
the boats. They ransacked everything and secured 
360 rifles. There was no wrecking. The men just 
took from the boats what they considered of value, 
and then burned them. In one boat was found every- 
thing in the way of edibles. There were enough 
provisions to last a regiment a week. The Win- 
chesters were divided up among the men, and 
many of the residents are now the possessors of 
first-class rifles. It did not take the barges long to 
burn after they were fired. Scores of shots were 
poured into the boats by the strikers as the flames 
were licking up everything. There was little pity 
expressed for the capture of the guards.' } 



CHAPTER VII. 



Sad results of strife — Filling the hospitals — Bruised and mangled — 
The wounded Pinkertons— Where they were from — Wages paid 
them — Dangerous work — Good marksmanship — Anarchists at 
work — Their narrow escape — Retribution — Position of the work- 
man — They frown upon Anarchism — Absurd statements — In a 
prison cell. 



The sad results of the strife were seen at the 
hospitals where men lay wounded and suffering. 
Twenty-eight of the unfortunate Pinkertons were 
taken to the West Penn hospital, and a more mel- 
ancholy sight could not be imagined. There were 
men with broken arms and disjointed ankles ; 
others with shattered noses and lacerated faces, 
and many with bruised heads and injured backs, 
presenting, altogether, as they lay in their various 
wards, a pitiful picture of human misery. In 
addition to their sufferings of the body, was the 
recollection of those terrible hours in the death- 
traps from which there appeared no escape ; of the 
sickening scenes in which their dead comrades were 
the central figures, and of the dreadful suspense 
accompanying the bursting of each fearful stick 



74 

of dynamite as it struck the frail craft and ex- 
ploded with a force so startling that death itself 
would have been welcomed, each time, as a relief. 

As soon as it was known that the Pinkerton 
men had surrendered, Superintendent Cowen, of 
the West Penn hospital, sent surgeons L,ewin and 
Walker, accompanied by Clerk Woodward, to the 
scene to care for the disabled. Arriving at Home- 
stead, they found many of the Pinkerton men 
badly in need of medical attendance, and after 
ministering to their wants as far as possible, they 
took those most badly injured to the hospital. 
Their names follow : 

Edward McGuff, Philadelphia, shot in the leg. 

Fred. Primers, Philadelphia, scalp wound and 
internal injuries. 

E. A. Spear, Chicago, wound in left leg. 

Chris. Lamb, Philadelphia, injured back. 

Patrick McGuire, Baltimore, gunshot wound in 
left arm. 

Wm A Regar, Philadelphia, wounded in leg and 
scalp. 

John Smith, Chicago, wounded in left hand by a 
bullet. 

H. W. McGregory, Philadelphia, scalp wound. 

George Hall, Chicago, contusion of right arm. 

Fred. Asbury, Philadelphia, scalp wound. 

James Murphy, Brooklyn, contusion of head. 

D. J. Zeigler, Philadelphia, scalp wound and 
injured in abdomen. 

James Maloy, Chicago, wounded in right arm. 



75 

Charles Northrup, Chicago, injured back. 

E. A. Covert, Brooklyn, bullet wounds in right 
forearm and thigh. 

Patrick McGoff, Chicago, shot in abdomen. 

Lewis Flager, Chicago, wounded in arm and 
scalp. 

John Lutz, New York, scalp wound. 

Anthony Callner, Philadelphia, wounded in head 
and back. 

George Wright, New York, badly bruised. 

William McKinnon, New York, contusion of 
right leg. 

Fred. Gerhart, New York, scalp wound and con- 
tusion of eye. 

James H. Pugh, Brooklyn, contusion of eye and 
arm hurt. 

Edward Milstead, Chicago, lip cut. 

J. F. Scofield, Chicago, head badly bruised. 

W. H. Johnson, Chicago, left ankle dislocated. 

Mike Gough, Chicago, shot in groin. 

John Gridden, New York, scalp wound and 
otherwise hurt. 

Others of the guards were distributed among 
the other hospitals. 

Captain Fred. W. Hinde, David Lester, Russel 
Wells, George W. Rutter and J. T. Hoffman were 
removed to the Homeopathic hospital. 

J. T. McCurry, a watchman of the Little Bill, 
was taken to the Allegheny hospital. 

Joe Zaido, a Hungarian and a striker, shot in the 
thigh, was taken to the South Side hospital. 



7 6 

Mike Iyaughlin, a striker, was placed in the 
Mercy hospital. 

As an example of how the wounded men felt im- 
mediately after being removed from the scene of 
carnage and safely located in the hospitals, a 
number of interviews are appended. One man, 
who requested that his name be withheld, said : 

" About 4 o'clock, when we had given up all 
hope, a steamer came down the river, and we 
implored the captain to take us along, but he 
refused and went on. After this, there was but 
one hope, and that was in a surrender. I have 
been with the Pinkertons about three days. I live 
in Philadelphia and was out of work ; so, when 
they advertised for men I offered my services, not 
knowing where I was going to or for what purpose. 
I have had an experience never to be forgotten and 
never to be repeated. It was the first naval battle 
I was ever in and I want it to be the last." 

"We receive $15 per week," said another, and 
sometimes more, when the job is short and the 
work is dangerous. I went to Homestead for $15 
per week but would not go back for $15,000 per 
minute." The man who reclined upon an ad- 
joining bed was a foreigner by birth. He had his 
eyes blackened, his jaw broken, his nose mashed, 
and a few fractured ribs. He said : 

" I received all these bruises after we surren- 
dered. "* I wish we had staid in the boat. We 
might as well have been shot to death as clubbed 
into cripples and have our faces mashed." 






77 

John Smith, of Philadelphia, who had been shot 
in the left arm, said that he was a watchman, 
meaning by that a regular Pinkerton employee. 
He spoke : 

" I have been in the service a good while, but I 
never saw such scenes as I witnessed to-day. This 
is the first time that Pinkerton men have ever 
failed in an undertaking, but I guess they haven't 
had much experience in marine business. There 
are good marksmen at Homestead. Every time 
a man passed an opening in the board, the 
rifle balls came whizzing through like hail, and 
often in time to catch a man as the wound in my 
arm will show." 

It is a remarkable fact that the strikers exhibited 
unusual skill in handling and discharging their 
weapons. Proof is not wanting to show that they 
had inferior fire arms, consisting chiefly of small 
rifles, shot gun and target rifles, and yet the execu- 
tion they accomplished would have been creditable 
to regular Government troops. The assertion by 
irresponsible parties that the mill hands had been 
preparing for this conflict, which, as the reports 
went, seemed inevitable, is subject to impeach- 
ment. Up to* the point where the surrender of the 
guards occurred, there were probably not more 
than a few repeating rifles in possession of the 
strikers. When, however, the capture was effected, 
the increase in fire arms, improved 16-shot Win- 
chester rifles, was numbered at 240. What re- 
peating rifles had originally been in possession of 



79 

Homestead people were obtained sometime during 
the morning of the attack. 

The two cannons used with telling effect had 
long been the property of the municipal corpora- 
tion, and were employed only in parades and 
during holidays. These guns are of brass material 
and load at the breech with the common primer 
and cord attachment. They are five feet in 
length, and rest upon the ordinary and conventional 
wood carriage formerly in vogue. They are of 
the Napoleon type of cannon, and when in skillful 
hands, at short range, are capable of no little exe- 
cution. The dynamite which carried such con- 
sternation to the hearts of the entrapped guards is 
said to have been an improvisation, and one that 
was arranged for after the heat of the battle had 
begun. The strikers sent carriers to the city, who, 
with the assistance of Pittsburg friends, procured 
the deadly explosive. The disastrous consequences 
that followed have already been related. 

While upon this subject it is fitting that some 
reference be made to the action of the iron-work- 
ers when they were confronted by the anarchists, 
John Powers and his assistant. These men sud- 
denly appeared in Homestead and began to circu- 
late inflamable material in the form of an 
" address," which began with this ominous sen- 
tence-: " Resistance to tyrants is obedience to 
God ! n and closing with, " Brothers, become 
Anarchists ! ". Although the strikers had been 
liberal in their use of dynamite in dislodging the 



8o 

enemies who had carried death and destruction into 
their ranks, they at once rejected the overtures 
of the 'anarchists, whose profession teaches the 
use of this destructive agency, and with con- 
siderable difficulty the cooler heads saved Powers 
and his companion from the wrath of the indig- 
nant strikers after they had realized the full import 
of the " address." The bold attempt of this pair of 
law-breakers who entered the council chambers of 
the strikers and began the distribution of their 
literature, almost proved their ruin, for the excited 
crowd demanded that they suffer the penalty of 
death. Wiser counsel prevailed, however, and, 
with difficulty they were taken to the lock-up, 
where Powers furnished the rather ridiculous 
statement that he u had found the bunches of 
circulars in Homestead, and supposing that they 
belonged to the strikers, he had proceeded to 
scatter them among their rightful owners." 



CHAPTER VIII. 



A calm after the storm — Melancholy duties performed — Effects ot 
sacred music — Filling the churches — A prattling babe — The dead 
march — "Nearer My God to Thee" — An unnecessary duty — 
Consequences of force — The mother of Morris stricken ill — The 
last kiss — A lonely home — The Slav's funeral — Silas Waine bur- 
ied — The widow's wail — A prayer for the enemies' wives. 

The turmoil of Wednesday gave way to quietude 
the following day. The men and women whose 
rage knew no bounds on the occasion of the 
attack, were subdued and sorrowful when the sun 
smiled upon the scene on Thursday. They realized 
that there was a grave duty for them to perform. 
They were about to look upon the features of three 
of their number for the last time. They were to 
be in the presence of the dead and to hear the 
farewell words spoken in the temples of God. 
They were to be soothed by the voices of men and 
women in sacred songs, as they were encouraged 
yesterday by these same voices, with shouts and 
imprecations, to defend themselves. They were to 
hear the earth fall upon the coffins of the slain, 
mingled with the sobs of these dead men's fami- 
lies. They knew there would be no restraint to 



82 

their own sadness, for tears of sympathy are easily 
drawn, and in this instance the fountains of many 
hundreds and thousands of human hearts were 
overflowing. 

Little wonder, then, that as the time for services 
approached there was scarcely breathing room in 
the three churches. All traces of carnage had 
been removed by the men, and their faces were 
clean-shaven. They wore their best clothes and 
carried themselves as if they had never seen a day 
of strife. Their wives and sisters and sweethearts 
were by their sides and soon the churches were 
filled to overflowing. They were to pay their last 
respects to John E. Morris, Silas Waine and 
Peter Fareis. 

Undertaker Gillen, at 11:45 o'clock, drove up to 
the vine-clad cottage of Morris, which is on Eighth 
Avenue, near McClure Street. He carried in his 
hand a wreath of white roses. Entering the house 
he placed the flowers upon the coffin, which was a 
modest affair and not a gilded casket. Then, 
followed by the dead man's wife, his aged mother 
and two sisters, one . of whom carried a prattling 
infant that had shortly before been the joy of the 
youthful father's heart, the undertaker and his 
assistants bore the corpse to the hearse. Preceded 
by a band of musicians who played the Dead March 
and followed by several carriages containing the 
bereaved family and a few intimate friends, the 
melancholy procession moved on its way, first to the 
church and then to the city of the dead. The 



«3 

head turned into Mc CI lire street and was met by 
200 members of Magdala Lodge, I. O. O. P., in 
funeral costume. Two lines were formed, and 
down between these rows of brothers moved 
the cortege. The Methodist Church on Fourth 
avenue was reached in a few minutes. Every seat 
was occupied and scores of men and women were 
standing in the aisles. The two front pews to the 
left had been reserved for the grief-stricken 
family. The long black box that contained the 
remains of young Morris was placed beneath the 
pulpit, and many floral offerings were laid upon a 
table to the right. The upper half of the coffin 
was removed, and services began. 

"Nearer My God to Thee." That was the 
hymn which thrilled every soul in the building. 
It was sung by a quartette — a soprano and three 
male voices. The minister read a chapter from 
the Revelation and asked the congregation to sing 
" Sweet Hour of Prayer. " They made a brave 
effort and almost succeeded. 

11 The choir will now please sing Rock of 
Ages," said the preacher. When the last note 
died away the fountains of grief were freely 
flowing. 

The minister, the Rev. S. J. Mcllyar, expressed 
a desire to be correctly reported by press represen- 
tatives and then carefully reviewed the situation 
respecting the relations of the ' company and the 
men from the time the differences began to the day 
of the battle. He said that in his life he had 



8 4 

officiated at funeral services of high military 
officials and common soldiers ; he had preached 
sermons of those who had been carried off by dis- 
ease and pestilence ; he had helped to bury the 
dead from small-pox and cholera, but never before 
had he been called upon to perform such a sad and 
unnecessary duty as this one. He believed that 
when capital and labor could not agree, arbitration 
should be employed, and under no circumstances 
should force be resorted to. During the interval 
between the strike and the time when the barges 
were towed up the' river, peace had reigned 
supreme. The Sheriff had come and had conferred 
with the striking men. There had been no dis- 
turbance, and the officers of the law were in no way 
molested. 

"Then came the floating boats, " he said, "and 
they were manned for warfare. Two gun boats 
filled with armed men with authority to take the 
place by storm if necessary. The force contem- 
plated was what placed this blessed man here. He 
was only 24 years old and had been married but a 
brief space. His sweet wife is a member of this 
church, and every Sunday morning the two have 
come and listened to the word of God. John Morris 
would have been a member, too, in a short time." 

The minister then spoke of the good work of the 
Amalgamated Association and in strong words 
condemned the action of the company. At this 
point came applause, but it was soon turned into 
silence by the moans and sobs of Mrs. Morris, and 



the sudden illness of the mother of the deceased. 
" Jesus, Lover of My Soul," was rendered, and a 
last look into the upturned face was afforded. The 
young wife raised her veil and with tears coursing 
down her cheeks she gazed long and steadily upon 
the beloved countenance. She gently brushed 
aside the dark curl which hid from view that cruel 
wound in the forehead. The hole had been 
obscured as well as possible by a piece of plaster. 
Stooping over, the little wife imprinted a kiss upon 
her husband's lips and then turned away never to 
see those features again. 

It was a long distance to the cemetery and the 
day was hot. The roads were dusty, and the men 
and women of Homestead were exhausted ; but 
three thousand people followed the remains of 
John Morris up the steep hill, and, with un- 
covered head, stood mutely by the grave while 
the lodge services were read and the minis- 
ter offered up the last prayer. When the first 
spade full of dirt fell upon the box lid and gave 
back that hollow sound we all have heard, a 
shudder passed through the slight frame of the 
young widow and a soft moan escaped her lips. 
She gave no other sign of distress, but, with bowed 
head and measured tread, she walked back to her 
carriage and was driven to her lonely home. 

Just before the Morris procession reached the 
gate that leads into the graveyard, another funeral 
line appeared, and at the end of the lane the two 
separated. This acquisition to solemn rites 



86 

was! the funeral of Peter Fareis, the Slav, who met 
his late in the first skirmish. He was a big fellow, 
with brave heart and sunny disposition. Hence, 
he had many friends among his countrymen and 
not a few in other directions. They followed 
him to his last home by the hundreds, and there, 
in the manner best befitting such an occasion, 
attested their loyalty and their regard. The 
impassioned address of the Rev. Ramund Wider, 
of the Slavonic Church, of Braddock, created 
much feeling which manifested itself in expressions 
of resentment against the steel company. The 
priestly robes* and the earnestness of the man who 
wore them, united with the action of the Slavs 
who made no attempt to conceal their feelings, 
created a dramatic scene rarely ever witnessed b v 
the side of a grave. / 

Scarcely had tKese men been laid away when 
the third cortege appeared, and the mutilated 
remains of Silas Waine were lowered into the 
home of the dead. Silas was the millworker 
who, early in the day, was struck by a grape-shot 
from the cannon across the river, and whose head 
was almost severed by the missile. Services were 
conducted by the Rev. John B. Glass, of the Free 
Methodist Church, and the remains were laid to 
rest as the sun began his evening flight from the 
sight of the Homesteaders. 

Three hours passed away with no demonstrations 
other than what might have been anticipated 
under such distressing circumstances. In all her 




W. W. ERWIN. 



§9 

grief Mrs. Morris's sympathetic heart seemed to 
bleed for the poor wives of the dead Pinkertons. 
Immediately after the funeral she gave utterance 
to this sentiment. At the same time her own 
pathetic condition was expressed in these few 
words : 

M Our little home was almost paid for and we 
were so happy. I was afraid John would meet 
with some terrible calamity and I begged him not 
to go out yesterday, but he said he would rather 
die fighting for what he termed a principle ; and 
so, he shouldered his rifle and marched out to meet 
his death. I feel sorry for the widows of those 
guards and wish I could give back to them their 
husbands." 



CHAPTER IX. 



Sheriff McCleary's actions — Calling for deputies — List of those 
responding — A message to the Governor — Grave apprehensions — 
Important conferences — Summoning Homestead business men 
— A fire brand — An excited throng — Additional funerals — Sensa- 
tional sermons — Stoical Hungarians — A mournful dirge — Hearts 
of steel — Denunciation — At the graves. 

The profoundest interest now centered in the 
ability of Sheriff McCleary to preserve order, re- 
establish confidence and eradicate the bitter feeling 
engendered by the occurrences of the past forty- 
eight hours. Opinion as to his probable success 
was divided, and it may have been with many 
misgivings that he undertook the task. With 
promptness he pursued the legal course of serving 
notices, both publicly and privately, upon citizens 
of all walks in life. Out of four hundred notices 
thus served on Thursday, only thirty-five men 
were secured. All sorts of excuses were offered, 
some of which were reasonable and many of which 
were absurd. In a dispatch, subjoined, the sheriff 
informed Governor Pattison of his tribulations, 
exercising carp to point out the part played by the 
Amalgamated Association in assisting to rescue 



9 1 

the guards from what many thought a still perilous 
position. 

On the evening of Thursday, the sheriff sent 
the following message to his excellency, Governor 
Pattison : 

" Last night I went to Homestead, accompanied 
by officials of the Amalgamated Association, and 
succeeded in bringing away the guards sent by 
river, who had surrendered to the rioters. The 
arms of the guards, who numbered about 300, are 
all in possession of the rioters. To-day everything 
is quiet. The works are in possession of a large 
force of the rioters. Any attempt upon the part 
of the civil authorities to dispossess them, will be 
met by resistance. Last evening I issued a general 
summons to citizens to attend this morning at 
nine o'clock to aid in restoring order, and I also 
issued a large number of notices to individuals. 
The result is, that up to noon to-day thirty-five 
persons have reported, all without arms. Thou- 
sands have been notified to appear to-morrow 
morning at nine o'clock, and I have issued several 
thousand notices to individuals, summoning them 
to appear at the same time. These notices will be 
served to-day. I am satisfied from present indica- 
tions that I will be unable to obtain any consider- 
able force, and the force thus gathered, without 
discipline and arms, will be of no use whatever. 
As soon as any effort is made to take possession of 
the property another outbreak will occur. 

"W. H. McCleary, Sheriff. " 



92 

Although the sheriff did not expect an imme- 
diate reply, he remained at his office for hours, 
simply to be on the spot should an answer come. 

The names of those who responded to the 
sheriff's call on Thursday, are as follows : 

John D. Bailey, stock broker and auctioneer. 

F. C. Miller, attorney. 

G. B. Barrett, wholesale jeweler. 

W. G. Price, iron and lead manufacturer. 

Webster Gray, tailor and importer. 

W. E. Tustin, real estate dealer. 

J. B. Hyndman, police magistrate. 

John A. Reed, manager. 

A. J. Barr, editor. 

Edward Craig, attorney. 

A. K. Scandrett, attorney. 

Emil Winter, wholesale merchant. 

E. S. Giles, wholesale milliner. 

William Price. 

I. L. Cullingwood. 

H. K. Manley. 

Wm Eisner, merchant tailor. 

Scott Ward. 

R. S. Frasier. 

D. W. C. Carroll, contractor. 

Joseph Nevin, newspaper manager. 

J. T. Wood. 

J. B. Steen, coal dealer. 

T. O'Leary, glass manufacturer. 

J. H. Aiken, men's furnishing goods. 

Wm Sewell, attorney. 






93 

Joseph Home, dry goods merchant. 

O. D. Thompson, attorney. 

Arthur Kennedy, attorney. 

A. M. Cavitt, china merchant. 

J. H. Mueller, attorney. 

G. H. Quaill, attorney. 

Alex. McGunnegel, clerk. 

Casper Leff, billiards. 

J. G. Weir, county commissioner. 

The gravest apprehensions were felt by both 
sides. The sheriff found it absolutely impossible 
to secure the assistance of more than a mere hand- 
ful of men, while the strikers looked with no little 
suspicion upon his movements — some going so far 
as to claim that he was simply misleading them in 
order that another force of Pinkertons might be 
smuggled into the mills. The strikers, anticipating 
the introduction of the militia into the drama, 
held a meeting and appointed a committee to visit 
Governor Pattison and acquaint him with the 
details as they understood them. Sheriff McCleary 
was expected at ten o'clock in the morning, but 
he failed to arrive until two hours later. He 
attended the gathering, and held a long consulta- 
tion with such men as President Weihe, Vice- 
President Garland and others. This conference 
resulted in nothing, as the mill hands claimed that 
the rank and file of their number had not yet set- 
tled upon a definite plan, and until they decided 
what course with reference to admitting deputies 



94 

was best, no action could or would be taken by the 
leaders. The added counsels of John S. Shafer, 
the druggist, David Lynch and Burgess MclyUckie, 
failed to solve the problem — many of the mill 
hands still insisting that there was not a full rep- 
resentation of their forces. 

At 4:30 o'clock the sheriff began to send mes- 
sengers to representative business men of Home- 
stead, asking them to attend the meeting and lend 
their support to a solution of the mixed question. 
Six men responded and without an exception 
flatly refused to serve as deputies. It had been 
reported that Dr Gladden, the steel company's 
physician and surgeon, had furnished Sheriff 
McClearey a list of business men who would 
probably serve in this capacity, and this proved 
another fire-brand. The sheriff and the doctor 
felt it incumbent to deny the rumor, which in 
a measure, produced a salutory effect. The sheriff 
then announced publicly that his present visit was 
not the outgrowth of a request from anyone in 
Homestead. It was true that he had been 
furnished a list of twenty names of reputable 
business men who, it was reported, said they would 
be willing to serve as deputies, but that out of 
this number only six had seen fit to answer his 
summons, and they, in most positive terms, had 
declined to have anything to do with the matter. 
As this visit had not been prolific of results, the 
sheriff announced that he would start back to 
Pittsburg. While on his way to the depot he was 



95 

surrounded by an excited throng, but no demon- 
strations were made. One fellow annoyed 
the officer until he was compelled to threaten 
his arrest. This had the desired effect and 
the man subsided. At about this time 

rumors that deputies had been sent to Mc- 
Keesport and Braddock to enlist aid, caused a 
fresh outbreak of uneasiness among the mill 
hands, but, as in every instance, when a rumor 
failed to develop into a fact, it was only a brief 
period until the excitement subsided. 

While these scenes were being enacted, other 
and more solemn ones were in progress. Three 
additional funerals were being held. Three more 
victims of the guards' deadly work were receiving 
the attention that distressed friends had paid to 
Morris and his dead companions the day before. 
Henry Streigle, the lad who had been mortally 
wounded in the fight of yesterday, had died, and the 
Germania band, of Pittsburg, was playing a dirge 
in honor of his memory. The Birmingham Turn- 
verein had taken charge of the services. The 
Rev. Father Bausch, of St Francis German Catholic 
Church, expatiated upon the virtues of the boy and 
the frightful consequences of precipitating war 
among men. The sword, so the good father said, 
must give way to tuition and the hearts of 
humanity must be softened, so that the world 
would observe that universal sentiment — live and 
let live. There were no ceremonies at the grave 
— only the emotions expressed by the boy's rela- 



96 

tives and friends. The parade was an imposing 
one, numbering several hundred. The remains 
were^ interred at St Mary's Cemetery. 

^Possibly the most striking demonstration of all 
was the funeral of Joseph Sotak, the Hungarian. 
The Methodist Episcopal Church was inadequate 
for the accommodation of more than three hundred 
people, and so twice that number remained outside 
while the Rev. John Kovacs delivered an impas- 
sioned address to those upon the inside. They 
were typical Hungarians — stoical, morose and 
silent, but their countenances reflected their feel- 
ings and left an impression upon the keen observer 
that the bitter experiences of the recent past would 
never be forgotten. Aye, and the sins of their 
enemies would never be forgiven ! Stoically, 
morosely and silently they drank in the words of 
the man in the pulpit, and then, when it was time 
for them to sing, they chanted a wierd dirge, 
which harmonized with the tragic circumstances. 
There were but eight women in the audience, and 
eight women among three hundred brawny men 
who were burying a comrade thus, could not be 
expected to exert that gentle influence which 
softens hearts of steel and causes men to forget 
they have been injured. When the minister 
denounced the Tinkertons as a lawless mob, there 
was no audible expression — the Hungarians' glares 
grew fiercer and they set their teeth together more 
firmlyj That was all. Then they followed the 
hearse to the grave, and escorted the parents back 
to their humble abode. 



97 

The ceremonies over the remains of Thomas 
Weldon were both brief and simple. They were 
held under the auspices of the Homestead Benefi- 
cial Association, assisted by the Amalgamated 
Association, and the body was laid to rest in St 
Mary's cemetery. The Germania band, of Pitts- 
burg, furnished the music for the occasion, and 
services were confined to the place where the last 
disposition was made. 



CHAPTER X. 



Arbitration espoused and condemned — The dreadful alarm— Ready 
for the enemy — Shipping the Pinkertons — A night of terror — A 
hungry horde — The guard's suicide — A burning question — 
Available Militiamen— Mr Lovejoy's statement — The trouble- 
some deputy problem — Reluctant Militiamen — Coroner McDow- 
ell — The inquest postponed— Waiting for quiet — No evidence 
attainable . 



The passage of these pathetic occurrences into 
history, was followed by the immediate increase of 
the crowds on the streets and near the mills. The 
discussions with reference to arbitration (this sub- 
ject having been presented anew by some one 
anxious for a settlement of the troubles) took on a 
decidedly animated color. It had been understood 
that interested parties were desirous -of selecting as 
arbitrators, Governor Pattison, of Pennsylvania, 
Governor McKinley, of Ohio, and T. V. Powderly, 
General Master Workman of the Knights of Labor. 
To this proposition there was a most vigorous 
protest. Stephen Madden claimed that under no 
circumstances would the Amalgamated Association 
suffer the humiliation of making overtures. He 
thought if overtures were made by Mr Frick, that 



99 

would be a different matter, but he knew that Mr 
Frick would spurn a proposition emanating from 
the strikers. Besides, the committee named would 
not be satisfactory, in any sense of the word, to the 
Amalgamated Association. 

While this question was engaging the attention 
of all, some person gave the alarm that the Pink- 
ertons were coming again. Like magic the men 
were at their posts of defense. There was nothing 
to fear from this source, for the crushed and bleed- 
ing guards were then on their way home. They 
had been shipped on a special over the Pennsylva- 
nia railroad which left the Eighteenth street yards 
in Pittsburg at ten o'clock in the morning, and 
arrived at Philadelphia thirteen hours later. The 
arrangements for their departure had been accom- 
plished so stealthily that no one could ascertain in 
what manner they were to be disposed of. The 
local officials were utterly ignorant of the matter, 
and concluded that negotiations must have been 
carried on with the president of the road. Hon. 
C. L. Magee, however, admitted that common 
human instinct dictated that the guards should be 
removed as soon as possible, and with this humane 
motive in view he had rendered what assistance he 
thought necessary. Further than that, he was at 
a loss to say what ultimate disposition of the men 
had been made. 

It was subsequently learned that the Pinkertons 
spent a wretched night after their delivery from 
Homestead. They were confijied in cars at Ben 



IOO 

Venue with nothing to eat and little to drink. 
They were guarded during the night by Inspector 
Silvus and a dozen uniformed officers, and Thurs- 
day morning they were given some lunch. There 
has been some misunderstanding as to the number 
that were taken east, but from authentic sources it 
can now be safely stated that there were 265 in 
the party. When they arrived at Germantown 
Junction, forty of them were allowed to depart for 
their homes in Philadelphia, while the remainder 
continued their journey to New York. One of the 
Philadelphia contingent related the tragedy of one 
of their number who refused to surrender. He 
preferred to die by his own hand, and walking 
toward the end of the boat most exposed, deliber- 
ately blew out his own brains, the body falling in 
plain view upon the deck. 

" Will the militia be ordered out ? " That ques- 
tion was uppermost in the minds of the strikers, 
the officers of the law, and the -public in general. 
Something must be done, and the sheriff was in a 
quandary. He could not press into service enough 
men to accomplish the first move desired by the 
steel company. His exertions met with failure 
upon every hand. In the minds of the strikers 
there was a well grounded fear that as a last resort 
the Governor would feel it his duty to issue a call 
for the State Guards. This fear was not occasioned 
b>y reasoning that in such an event there would be 
more bloodshed, for the strikers as a body had 
agreed that there should be no resistance to the 



IOI 

soldiery. They simply would not tolerate the 
Pinkertons, and in this they were thoroughly 
determined. How, then, could matters be ad- 
justed ? Xo one wanted to see a repetition of the 
strife and carnage that had caused so much suffer- 
ing. And yet, the mill-workers were loth to 
surrender the advantages they had gained by such 
fearful sacrifices. 

In the midst of this suppressed excitement, the 
Pittsburg papers sought out General Wiley, and 
asked him for a statement concerning the standing 
of the State militia. 

It was learned that the First Brigade, with 
headquarters at Philadelphia, consisted of the 
First, Second, Third and Sixth Regiments ; the 
State Fencibles, of four companies ; Battery "A ;" 
Gray Invincibles (colored) company, and the City 
Troop Cavalry — in all mustering 2,500 men. 

The headquarters of the Second Brigade were at 
Franklin, and was composed of the Fifth, Tenth, 
Fourteenth, Fifteenth, Sixteenth and Eighteenth 
Regiments ; the Sheridan Troop of Cavalry of 
Tyrone, and Battery " B," numbering 3,100 men. 

The Third Brigade, located at Lebanon, con- 
tained the Fourth, Eighth, Ninth, Twelfth and 
Thirteenth Regiments, besides the Governor's 
Troop of Cavalry and Battery " C," or 2,800 men. 

Here w r as an army of 8,400' well-drilled men, 
splendidly equipped, and backed by the great State 
of Pennsylvania. It was indeed a formidable 
showing, and meant, if put into operation, defeat 



102 

for the strikers. But a new feature appeared. A 
large percentage of the State Guards were friends 
of the strikers and did not hesitate to express their 
sympathy in their behalf, while many of the militia 
openly declared that under no circumstances would 
they bear arms against their Homestead friends. 
Rumors that the spiking of guns at the batteries 
was contemplated, caused the guard duty to be 
increased, and, if a move of this character had 
been intended, it was thwarted. Gen. Wiley averred 
that in the event the State Guards were called out 
they would preserve life and property, and thus the 
matter stood. 

In the meantime the sheriff could not extricate 
himself from his difficult position, and to further 
complicate his troubles, Secretary Lovejoy, of the 
steel company, gave publicity to his understanding 
of the Pinkerton's situation. If correctly reported 
at the time, Mr L,ovejoy said : 

" There will be no more Pinkertons enter into 
this contest. It was my understanding that they 
were to be sworn in as deputy sheriffs and that 300 
of them were to be under the command of Captain 
Hein. The Chicago contingent was to be headed 
by Captain Klein." 

Sheriff McCleary said that Deputy Sheriff 
Gray accompanied them simply as a representative 
of the sheriff of the county, and that no instructions 
were given to command or lead the guards. Gray 
was there as an officer to command the peace, and 
nothing more. 



CHAPTER XI. 



Soldier's opinion — Searching for facts — No call necessary — Strong 
appeal from Frick — Deputies not to be had — Fears of officials — 
The Governor's attitude — Property must be protected — Life is 
sweet — Merits not considered — Opening saloons — The pickets — 
Courtesy a watchword — No license for Pinkerton — Moral influ- 
ence — Outside encouragement — Some shady records — Treacher- 
ous detectives. 



The soldiery of Pennsylvania began to be drawn 
nearer and nearer towards the field of action, 
figuratively speaking. It had early become appar- 
ent to many, that in no other way could the Home- 
stead troubles be adjusted. Doubtless no man knew 
this better than Sheriff McCleary, and had he felt 
disposed he could have put the National Guard 
machinery into motion before he did ; but he hoped 
that some turn would be made to prevent this 
undesirable action. 

The Governor, too, doubtless realized the inevit- 
able, for he had given the affair close study, and, 
although he held his counsel, it was evident to the 
committee of strikers sent to Harrisburg to acquaint 
the Executive with their side of the matter, that in 



io4 

the end an appeal would be made for the militia. 
Adjutant General Greenland was instructed to visit 
either Pittsburg or Homestead, or both points, and 
make an unbiased report to Governor Pattison. 

The officer came and recognized the comparative 
quiet existing. He did not hesitate to convey his 
impression that it was unnecessary to call out the 
soldiers at present. This caused congratulations 
among the strikers. They reasoned that a con- 
tinuation of good order meant a confirmation of 
General Greenland's judgment, and that each day 
passed thus, established a stronger hope that they 
would be permitted to resume their old positipns in 
the mills. Alas, for the frail hopes of humanity. 
Darker pages in the history of Homestead are yet 
to be written, that the unhappy ending may be 
preserved for future generations, no matter how 
bitter the lesson or how humiliating to the partici- 
pants in this memorable struggle. 

A great wave of moral support in behalf of the 
strikers swept over the country. The local encour- 
agement, strong and pure, was followed by expres- 
sions of the sincerest sympathy from labor unions 
in almost every city and industrial point in this 
broad land. Such unanimity had never been 
known, and many organizations proffered financial 
assistance at once. No material help was needed, 
however, but the moral effects of the kind words 
telegraphed from nearly all corners of the globe 
strengthened the hearts of the strikers and made 
them more determined than ever in their resolu- 




•JACK" CLIFFORD. 



107 

tions. And yet a few of the keener and more far- 
sighted discerned the gathering of another storm in 
the distance. They knew that unless the mills 
were operated there must be a reaction, and they 
knew furthermore that the great body of their 
companions would never submit to the plan of 
placing deputies in charge of the works. They 
remembered the ominous words of Governor Patti- 
son that " order must be observed and property and 
life protected, regardless of the merits of either 
side, if the state and national troops had to be 
called out." To the credit of the cooler heads at 
Homestead the statement that they themselves 
were religiously disposed to accomplish these very 
things, will bear repetition. 

The Pinkertons, it seems, came in for cordial 
dislike from outside quarters also. Not at all 
popular with laboring people in any locality, this 
private corporation of blue-coated and brass- 
buttoned men proved a target for the public press, 
the denunciations of which, justly ended their im- 
portance in the successful operation of the affairs 
of mankind. They were denounced and derided 
for their brutality, and accused of acts unworthy of 
emulation by preservers of the peace. This feeling 
against the Pinkertons, entertained more espe- 
cially toward the head of the organization, was 
not confined to the resolutions of condemnation 
by labor lodges, nor to the columns of the press, 
but cropped out, suddenly, in an unlooked-for 
locality. As in all cities of importance, they had a 



io8 



branch agency in the city of Denver, Colorado, and 
when they made an application for the renewal of 
their license, Governor Routt made it his duty to 
prevent the necessary papers being issued. There 
had been some strikes in Colorado where the 
Pinkertons were employed as "guards," and in 
which they had become obnoxious. The miners' 
troubles at Butte were intensified by the employ- 
ment of these people, and the great strike upon the 
Burlington Route developed further criticism. 
That this dissatisfaction must have permeated 
other classes than those vitally interested, was 
evident from Governor Routt's interference. At all 
events, this led to a fresh discussion of the 
matter, and eventually disposed of the power held 
so long in this country by the Pinker ton agency. 
It is now a conceded fact that the legislation 
against the methods of this association has been in 
the right direction, and the " detective " business 
is now carried on against thieves and robbers with 
greater success than it ever has been against work- 
men and other honest citizens. 

To illustrate the character of the average detect- 
ive, it may be well to remind the reader that two 
of the crowd who played star engagements at 
Homestead were once upon a time hard-working 
fellows, but in a moment of temptation they yielded 
to the overtures of some one in authority, and 
divulged to the Chicago end of the Pinkerton 
Association the secrets of the labor organization to 
which they belonged. They continued to play the 



traitor up to the very hour the controversies put 
them in the witness-box of a court of justice, and 
while occupying this place held sacred among 
honorable men, made sworn statements that were 
subsequently proven to be untrue. The irony of 
fate placed them in after years in a position of 
terror controlled by the very class of men whom 
they had maligned and betrayed. 

It is proverbial among the professions of law 
and journalism that the so-called detective is a 
creature whose ever}' act will bear the closest scru- 
tiny, and whose even' motive needs careful 
analysis. The profession of law, in' the criminal 
branch, requires the services of the " sleuth " 
because his life, in almost every case, has been in 
a line w r ith that of the criminal for w 7 hose convic- 
tion the prosecution is striving. In a word, he is 
employed on the principle that it takes a thief to 
catch a thief. Hence, the prosecutor estimates the 
character of the person employed to expose the 
career of the criminal from an unerring stand- 
point, and usually, requires a verification of the 
evidence before entrusting his witness to u take the 
stand." On the other hand, the defense invariably 
relies upon the integrity of a jury to discount the 
detective's story. And no case in which the 
defendant's character has been blackened by one 
of this ilk, was ever submitted to twelve men 
without the entire system of "sleuthing " receiving 
a scoring that ordinarily affects the verdict to the 
detriment of the prosecution. Search the records 



no 



of any court in the land, and these statements will 
be found to be true. 

The profession of journalism has reason to fear 
the story related by the private detective. Many 
reputable newspapers decline with thanks a u tip " 
or " scoop " emanating in a brain so elastic. Many 
metropolitan journals have enjoyed libel suits 
through a too eager disposition to publish sensa- 
tions furnished by detective agencies. The work of 
reporters, accomplished in a manly and straighfor- 
ward way, is not only superior to that of private 
detectives, but is more expeditious, and certainly 
not to be degraded by comparison with the efforts 
of those mysterious individuals, whose very occu- 
pation is tinctured with deceit, and whose presence 
in a crowded thoroughfare is commonly looked 
upon by police officers as in some remote manner 
connected with a mission of theft. It often happens 
that an applicant for a position on the staff of an 
" association, " finds his chances improved if he 
can say that he has " done time " in one or more 
prisons. 

There was a time, in the days of sturdy old 
Allen Pinkerton, when the Pinkerton agency was 
useful and reputable. After the death of this vet- 
eran, an auxiliary for the protection of stores and 
buildings was added. These watchmen have been 
known to render good service, and the system is 
supposed to carry with it the weight of effective 
organization — an admirable feature in almost any 
successful institution. But, when another wing 



Ill 

was attached to this bird of prey, whose function 
consisted of spreading death throughout the ranks 
of laborers having misunderstandings with their 
employers, the world was shocked at the frightful 
crimes committed under the pretext that because 
the body happened to be covered with blue cloth, 
adorned with brass buttons, it gave the " guard'' a 
license to club and shoot at will. The world not 
only stood aghast at the spectacle, but it entered 
a protest that ended in what is hoped will effect a 
final overthrow of the Pinkerton's power, and a 
complete annihilation of the pernicious system. 



CHAPTER XII. 



The fatal words — Soldiers ordered out — Great activity — Marshaling 
the forces — Burnishing of arms — Movements of the troops — 
Concentrating forces — Opinions of leaders — All serene — Sub- 
mitting to authority — Willing to help — Sunday at Homestead — 
Pacific counsel — Attending Divine worship — The Salvation 
Army — Re-organizing the Advisory Committee — Pickets and 
guard. 

The beginning of the end had come. Sheriff 
McCleary, following in the line suggested by the 
legal branch of the State Government, in a tele- 
gram to Governor Pattison, stated in plain English 
that in his opinion nothing but the presence of a 
large military force would enable him to control 
matters, and hence he asked for assistance. This 
course was necessary- in order to legalize the call, 
and it was pursued only after the Governor was 
satisfied beyond a doubt that the sheriff had 
exhausted all means at his command. Governor 
Pattison had more than once said : 

" The papers may criticise me to their hearts' 
content. The people forget that the National 
Guards are not for the purpose of performing 
police duty. There have been occasions when 



Ir 3 

sheriffs of Pennsylvania have not exhausted the 
means at their command for controlling mobs, but 
have simply called upon the Executive to place 
the militia in the field. I propose to have sheriffs 
exert themselves." 

Residents of western Pennsylvania, particularly, 
are judges whether Sheriff McCleary exhausted 
his resources. The variety of excuses offered by 
those who had been summoned might have been 
multiplied many times, and yet the excuse market 
would not have been exhausted. 

The following correspondence, carried on over 
the wires, will indicate to what extremes the State 
authorities and the sheriff of Allegheny county 
concluded they must go : 

Pittsburg, Pa., July 10, 1892. 
Robert E. Pattison, Governor, 

Harrisburg, Pa.: 
The situation at Homestead has not improved. 
While all is quiet there, the strikers are in control, 
and openly express to me and the public their 
determination that the works shall not be operated 
unless by themselves. After making all efforts in 
my power, I have failed to secure a posse respecta- 
ble enough in numbers to accomplish anything, 
and I am satisfied that no posse raised by civil 
authorities can do anything to change the condi- 
tion of affairs, and that any attempt by an inade- 
quate force to restore the right of law will only 
result in further armed resistance and consequent 
loss of life. Only a large military force will enable 
me to control matters. I believe if such a force is 



ii4 

sent the disorderly element will be overawed and 
order will be restored I therefore call upon you 
for assistance. 

William H. McCleary, Sheriff. 

George R. Snowden, 

Maj. Gen. Commanding N. G. P.: 
Put the division under arms and move at once, 
with ammunition, to the support of the sheriff of 
Allegheny county, at Homestead. Maintain the 
peace, protect all persons in their rights under the 
constitution and laws of the State. Communicate 
with me. 

Robert E. Pattison, Governor. 
Harrisburg, July 10, 1892. 

William H. McCleary, Sheriff : 

Have ordered Maj. Gen. Geo. R. Snowden, wilh 
the division of the National Guard of Pennsylva- 
nia, to your support at once. Put yourself in 
communication with him. Communicate with me 
further particulars. 

Robert E. Pattison, Governor. 
Harrisburg, July 10, 1892. 

This exciting episode in the history of the 
Homestead strike occasioned a feeling of relief in 
some quarters, While in others it no doubt created 
consternation. In any event, soldiers were better 
than Pinkertons, and since it must be one or the 
other, the strikers endeavored to reconcile them- 
selves to the new situation, and, as was proven, were 
ready when the time came, to assist the troops 
to maintain order. The news of the call, which 



. II5 

was made at ten o'clock Sunday night, and which 
reached Homestead in due season, was discredited 
by some, believed by others, and verified by a few. 
The conservative leaders considered it unwise to 
disseminate the information immediately, but, as 
in every instance of the kind, the report soon 
reached the masses. The irresponsible element 
were free in their expressions of denouncement, 
and some threats came from that direction. Men 
like Hugh O'Donnell, President Weihe, John Mc- 
Luckie, and others of like thinking, however, at 
once served notice on the lawless class (which are 
ever to be found mingling with a crowd, no matter 
how reputable, so that it is dense enough to admit 
of, and tolerate them,) that the militia would be 
well received and ably assisted - in the work to be 
accomplished. John McL,uckie, burgess of the 
borough of Homestead, stated emphatically that 
the people of that town were .as anxious as any 
in the world to have a loyal and .peaceable com- 
munity. 

Without delay the officers in command began 
exerting themselves to carry out the Governor's 
orders. The greatest activity prevailed wherever 
the headquarters of a brigade were located. Sub- 
orders were issued with rapidity, and obeyed with 
alacrity. Privates came forward with the deter- 
mination of serving the constitution, no matter 
how marked might be their sympathies for one side 
or the other In fact, a large percentage of them 
did not attempt to disguise their feelings in the 



ii6 

premises, but they waived their personality and 
responed as soldiers should respond. 

In all, fifteen regiments of infantry, three troops 
of cavalry and three batteries were ordered into 
service. The very finest of repeating Springfield 
rifles were in possession of the infantry, six Gatling 
guns and several smoothbore cannons were availa- 
ble, and this formidable array presented what was 
properly considered an invulnerable army. Gen- 
erals Snowden and Greenland left for the west 
without delay, taking good care to issue orders 
respecting the mobilization of troops at strategic 
points, and covering their own ^movements with that 
mystery and secresy supposed to be of inestimable 
^alue to full-fledged generals and successful cam- 
paigns. 

In Pittsburg all was bustle and excitement. 
Superintendent of Police O'Mara took the extra 
precaution to carefully guard all the gun stores. 
And it is said that the good people of Philadelphia 
have not yet recovered from the shock occasioned by 
the excitement following the call — the dull routine 
of every-day life in that quiet city having imbued 
the residents with the conviction that nothing 
could change the even current of events there. 
By three o'clock Monday morning at least one- 
third of the Eighteenth Regiment had reported for 
duty at their armory on Diamond street, in Pitts- 
burg, and there was no time lost in burnishing 
arms, selecting ammunition and gathering the 
paraphernalia for an active campaign. At Lewis- 



11 7 

town and Mt" Gretna the boys were equally expe- 
ditious, so that it may be said the National Guard 
had begun their part in a manner pointing to a 
rapid solution of the troublesome problem. Inas- 
much as eighty-five per cent of this army were said 
to be crack marksmen, and all were known to be 
well up in the tactics of warfare, no apprehensions 
were felt for them in the event of a conflict. It is 
to the credit of the nation that no necessity arose 
for the clashing of arms, and, now that the affair 
has passed into history, it is perfectly consistent 
with the facts to state in these pages that mature 
and well-balanced minds apprehended nothing 
more than a bloodless campaign. Still, th^re were 
many stirring incidents and sensational features 
that sprung up which will materially assist to 
enliven succeeding chapters. 

The Advisory Committee, dissolved when the 
strike had assumed a certain attitude, and at a 
time when quick action was absolutely essential, 
was reorganized on Sunday. The thinking men 
realized that this committee was of vital import- 
ance to the intelligent conducting of the strike on 
a peaceful basis. Without delay, therefore, they 
got together, re-elected all the old officers, with 
Hugh O'Donnell as chairman, and proceeded to 
direct affairs as best they could. Methods and 
measures were soberly and seriously discussed, 
conclusions drawn as men of intelligence would be 
expected to do, and the machinery for controlling 
the situation activelv started. 



ng 

The day of the call had been observed in Home- 
stead as became those who esteem Sunday. The 
churches were well attended and sermons freighted 
with pacific utterances were delivered. Protestant 
ministers and Catholic priests vied with each other 
in assisting to allay the turbulence of the past few 
days. The influence of the pulpit was probably 
never so pronounced. Men and women entered 
houses of worship with bitter thoughts of some 
of their fellow men. They left for their homes 
prepared to say that it is best to forgive. Each 
countenance bore evidences of a kindlier spirit 
than had existed since the first shot was fired four 
days ago. A few well-behaved strangers came and 
went and no one attempted to molest them. In 
the evening the women of the village arrayed 
themselves in their best garments and strolled 
leisurely about, while later on the Salvation Army 
contributed its nocturnal and energetic entertain- 
ment. At the evening religious sendees unusually 
large numbers were in attendance. 

Guard and picket duty was inevitable under the 
circumstances. Every advantageous point, from 
which good views of the river and surrounding 
country could be obtained, was selected, and regu- 
larly arranged knots of pickets were distributed. 
Possibly no picket duty was ever more conscien- 
tiously or faithfully performed. Scouts were kept 
in the field continuously, and, as a natural sequence, 
the most alarming reports were brought in from 
time to time bv these excited individuals. A man's 



120 

imagination, when he is employed in the arduous 
and presumably dangerous occupation of scouting, 
becomes vivid enough, and a little bunch of trees 
in the twilight, by degrees, will sometimes develop 
into a lively and numerous body of men intent 
upon accomplishing the destruction of those whose 
interests the scout has at heart. Thus, it is not so 
much a matter of wonder that at frequent intervals 
one or more of these watchers would rush into 
camp and breathlessly announce that " the woods 
are full of 'em ! " By the term " full of 'em," it 
may as well be understood, was meant the Pinker- 
tons. At this time, quite likely, the recollection 
of these announcements will strike some of the 
workers as partaking somewhat of the character of 
absurdity, but at that time they were serious 
enough. 

No later than the night preceding the events 
related in this chapter, and at an hour when nearly 
all were recuperating expended energies in that 
blessed boon, sleep, shouts of " the Pinkertons ! 
the Pinkertons !'' aroused the community. Whistles 
and bells added to the general clamor, and there 
was another mighty rush for arms. It was not till 
the sun, had spread the light of day over this broad 
land, revealing no enemy, that the nervous popu- 
lace returned to their deserted homes and once 
more sought the rest so much needed. What won- 
derful determination to prevent the reappearance 
of Pinkerton guards in the borough of Homestead ! 
During Sunday not the least interesting feature. 



121 

of the day's proceedings were the discussions bear- 
ing upon arbitration. Numerous combinations 
were suggested, but none seemed to be satisfactory, 
and the shades of night approached with no definite 
agreement in sight. The Congressional Com- 
mittee's threatened visit apparently concerned 
Homestead but a trifle, as it is a generally accepted 
theory that little or no good can come from a 
thing so useless as a Congressional Committee 
appointed to serve a useful purpose. Hence, 
the brainy men among the strikers were more 
amused than annoyed from the anticipated inflic- 
tion ; while those who failed to analyze a proposi- 
tion carefully were simply exasperated for the time 
being, and then allowed the matter to pass out of 
their minds entirely. 



CHAPTER XIII. 



The arrival of the National Guard of Fennsylvania — Freedom of the 
city — Flags and drums — Troops vs Pinkertons — Warning the 
women — Hungarians' departure — Newspaper men anxious fur 
the advent of the militia — Fearing outsiders — Good order 
demanded — Closing the saloons — Patronizing a brewery — The 
destination of the citizen soldiery is reached — On the field of 
action — The soldiers fatigued and intoxicated — Admirable disci- 
pline — Sobriety. 

Monday, July n, was a day of intense excite- 
ment, both at Homestead and Pittsburg-. The 
news that Governor Pattison had ordered the 
entire National Guard of the State to Homestead 
had been flashed over the country by the telegraph 
wires, and in every town and hamlet it was feared 
that there would be further bloodshed on the banks 
of the Monongahela. Of course the principal inter- 
est in what was about to occur was felt in the State 
of Pennsylvania, every town and county of which 
sent some of its young citizens to preserve order at 
Homestead. In some towns the militiamen started 
out Sunday night, while by Monday morning every 
man had reported at the armory of his regiment, 
ready to be off. 



123 

In Pittsburg, the streets reminded the old resi- 
dents of the days of '6i. The soldier boys had 
discarded their civilian garments for the regalia of 
the State. The drum corps and fanfare of bugles 
enlivened the pedestrians' movements on the 
streets, while the sidewalks were packed with the 
gentler sex from the remotest suburbs. The passen- 
ger stations of all the railroads were crowded with 
those who had gathered to see the boys start, for it 
had been suspected that the movements of the 
troops would be secret. From the rich banker to 
the impecunious tramp there was a representative 
gathering never before witnessed. Pittsburg was 
truly cosmopolitan on that eventful day. The 
department of police had its hands full preventing 
an influx of tough characters, but its work was 
perfectly done. An espionage was put upon all 
whose suspicious actions entitled them to this 
questionable compliment. The objective point was 
Homestead. 

The Advisor}^ Committee recognized the necessity 
of throwing out the proper safeguards, and before 
the great body of strikers knew it, they had been 
influenced to assist the leaders in their commendable 
efforts to preserve order and eject dangerous men as 
well as disreputable women. Some took an em- 
phatic stand against the militia, insisting that they 
should not receive civil treatment, but these persons 
were promptly whipped into line, and with such 
success that when the soldiers appeared, the fraternal 
feeling developed into proportions of conviviality. 



124 

Homestead at one time gave promise of enter- 
taining a larger mass of adventurers than would 
have been good for the borough. The two hundred 
special officers were kept busy, and their attempts 
to discharge the functions of their new roles 
resulted in both good and bad. Several notorious 
women, and many light-fingered gentlemen were 
arrested, and so were many who had a right to 
enter the borough limits. Among the latter were 
several newspaper men. The improvised patrolmen 
arrested every man who bore a strange countenance, 
and many commercial travelers as well as merchants 
who had business in Homestead were forced not 
only to give an account of themselves, but in 
almost every instance compelled to return to Pitts- 
burg. This general police surveillance was most 
unjust at times. 

The metropolitan press of the entire country was 
thoroughly represented by the brightest writers and 
keenest newsgatherers in the world. Men were 
there in large numbers from New York, Chicago, 
Philadelphia, Boston, St. Iyouis, Cincinnati, and 
other large cities, each of the New York papers 
being represented by at least four men, the best in 
their profession. These gentlemen did not manu- 
facture news, but faithfully chronicled every event 
in its true light. Still the suspicious nature of the 
residents of Homestead asserted itself in many 
unpleasant ways, and every reporter was the subject 
of much unfavorable and uncomplimentary com- 
ment as he walked the streets, attending to his 



™5 

business. Several were arrested at different times, 
and one was run out of town at midnight, and 
compelled to walk to Pittsburg. A bureau of press 
censorship w r as established and the copy of every 
correspondent subjected to the closest scrutiny 
before he was allowed to put it on the wire. 
Notwithstanding all these disadvantages, the hun- 
dred trained correspondents who were compelled to 
make their temporary abode in Homestead, did the 
best newspaper work ever known in the country, 
the efforts of the corps from the New York World, 
Herald, Sun and Recorder as well as those of the 
Pittsburg papers being particularly commendable 
both for literary effort as well as news accuracy. 
These gentlemen were on the qui vive during the 
last day of the control of the Advisory Board, the 
generally perturbed condition of town and people 
combining to keep them very busy. 

A mass meeting of the citizens of Homestead was 
held on the day mentioned, which was addressed by 
Burgess McLuckie. Among other remarks he said : 

" We are about to receive a visit from our friends 
the State militia. Some think their coming bodes 
danger. They are not dangerous as long as the 
dignity and honor of the Commonwealth are not 
insulted. We must arrange for a cordial reception. 
Every man, woman and child should receive them 
with open arms. In the interests of humanity I 
think we should do this." 

John Doherty spoke in a similar strain, advising 
that the women and children be kept off the streets. 



126 

The impression gained ground that the militia 
had been called to prevent the landing of more 
Pinkertons. But upon his arrival, Major General 
Snowden dispelled the delusion in a single sen- 
tence. These were his words, and they broke 
more than one heart when they were uttered : 

"The gates are open. You may go in if 
the company permits it." 

[The Hungarians began to turn their backs upon 
Homestead, many of them packing up their little 
chattels and deserting their humble abodes. They 
were not afraid of strife, — they were sick of it. 
The unequal contest dawned upon their simple 
minds, so new fields of operation were sought. 
Ohio caught some of them, while the great manu- 
facturing and mining centers of the country were 
proportionately increased in population as the 
wanderers reached desirable localities! 

While these little incidents were occurring, 
preparations for the shipment of the soldiers pro- 
gressed without interruption. Pittsburg, Philadel- 
phia, Oil City, Clarion, Uniontown, Bedford, Green- 
ville, Pottsville, Scranton, Greensburg, Titusville 
and Erie were contributing to swell the total of 
those who were to advance on the scene of strife 
to almost eight thousand men, — an impressing 
array of soldiery. General Snowden directed the 
movements of the National Guard with most pro- 
found and mysterious secrecy. The various Pitts- 
burg regiments knew why they were called out, 
but none of the officers of rank less than that of 



brigade commander knew where they would go. 
Those from Pittsburg were marched to the Union 
passenger station, crowded into cars, and were soon 
being whirled eastward at a rapid rate, — going 
away from Homestead, the ultimate destination. 
They rode to Radebaugh, where by midnight the 
entire army of the Monongahela was mobilized, 
preparatory to a short inarch upon Homestead, on 
the other side of the river, a few miles south and 
west. The great mass of young warriors had 
nothing to eat all night, and some did not taste 
food for thirty-six hours, their first hardship of war. 
The majority, in fact, fasted for a day and 
a nioflit. The Pennsvlvania Railroad had made 
admirable arrangements to transport the troops, 
although the secrecy of the purposes of General 
Snowden interfered in a measure with carrying out 
some essential details of railroading. Early on 
the morning of Tuesday, July 12, the trainloads of 
National Guards were moved to Braddock, where 
they were unloaded, and the men marched over to 
the other side of the river, ai riving at Munhall at 
about nine o'clock. 

Thev were about the most thorou^hlv fatigued 
lot of men ever seen, and as they marched up 
Shanty Hill, every visage showed the signs of 
hardship. This eminence reached, they rested ; 
and, improvising tents of ponchos stretched on 
bayoneted rifles, they lay down to sleep in the 
broiling sun. The Fourth, Tenth and Fourteenth 
Regiments were bivouacked on the Swissvale hill, 



128 

just across the river. The impedimenta of the 
army was arriving rapidly, and while half the well 
disciplined regiments were at work pitching tents, 
the other half were placed on guard, the boroughs 
of Homestead and Munhall being under military 
control as early as half past nine. The three rail- 
road stations were made permanent camps for 
picket guards, continuing thus for three months. 

General Snowden took up permanent quarters in 
the schoolhouse, on the brow of the hill, where 
with his great field glasses he commanded a full 
view of the two boroughs, the entire mills, and the 
provisional brigade camp across the river. The 
cotton badges issued for newspaper men by the 
Advisory Committee were rendered void by his first 
general order, and special passes good at all hours 
were given to all bearing proper credentials, the 
correspondents heartily welcoming the new reign 
of the state. On account of the privation of so 
many hours, as fast as possible squads of the soldier 
boys were given leave to visit town and get some- 
thing to eat. The Homesteaders welcomed them 
cordially, and by night at least five hundred of the 
lads in blue were in a state of alcoholic hilarity. 
They visited the saloons in large numbers, and the 
dealers in wet goods did a thriving trade. The 
brewery back of town was a special center of 
attraction, and had to be closed up for a time on 
account of the rushing business done. This sudden 
show of hospitality was checked, and after the day 
of the arrival of the National Guard, there was little 
or no drunkenness, the discipline being admirable. 



CHAPTER XIV. 



Headquarters — The Advisory Committee — Delivering the address of 
welcome — A chilly reception — Hugh O'Donnell's tact — Festivity 
-The Stars and Stripes— Fraternizing — Guard duty — "The 
gates are open, and you may enter if the company permits it " — 
A death knell — The ghost of insomnia — Shattered hopes — 
Fleeting shadows — Baskets of sandwiches — Depositing nickels — 
Beginning the inquest — Evidence of " Little Bill's " commander 
— The Pinkertons on the stand. 



In accordance with the arrangements of the pre- 
vious day, the appointed committee made ready to 
receive the militia commanders. However, the 
plans of General Snowden were so admirably exe- 
cuted that he had established his quarters before the 
town was aware of his presence. Later, a deputa- 
tion of the Advison- Board repaired to the school- 
house and paid their respects. Said Hugh 
O'Donnell : 

" General Snowden, on behalf of the citizens of 
Homestead and the Advisory Board of the Amalga- 
mated Association of- Iron and Steel Workers, we 
welcome the National Guard of the State of Penn- 
sylvania to this borough, and proffer our assistance 
in maintaining- order." 



130 

The General received this little oration very 
coldly, and replied : 

" The State of Pennsylvania needs no help from 
the Amalgamated Association in preserving peace." 

O'Donnell tried a new tack — welcoming the 
army in the capacity of a citizen of the State. 
General Snowden said curtly : 

"As citizens of the Commonwealth, you did not 
assist Sheriff McCleary in maintaining order, did 
you ? " 

O'Donnell was about to reply in the affirmative, 
when the sheriff stated emphatically that he had 
been able to reckon on no assistance from the 
strikers in preserving the peace. 

"Then," said the leader of the delegation, " as 
citizens of the county of Allegheny we welcome 
you to Homestead." 

This somewhat softened the chief functionary of 
the State militia, and he thanked the speaker and 
those who had accompanied him. His reception 
was so characteristically frigid that after a short 
conventional exchange of remarks on the altitude 
of the mercury the Amalgamated representation 
withdrew, leaving the major-general to his own 
reflections and the new duty of taking entire charge 
of Homestead. 

The little borough made the day an occasion of 
festivity. Bands rendered popular airs and tunes 
of patriotic sentiments ; the Stars and Stripes 
floated gracefully in the gentle breezes that now 
and then relieved the stifling atmosphere ; hun- 



dreds of men marched to and fro, keeping pace to 
the inspiring strains ; women and children waved 
handkerchiefs ; and the leaders participated in the 
general rejoicing. 

Some, however, did not welcome the advent ot 
the militia at first, bnt were soon brought to rec- 
ognize the necessity of its presence. A display of 
rather ugly sentiment was directed against the 
soldiers by some of the Huns and their families 
who could only regard them in the light of invaders. 
Nevertheless the boys were well treated by the 
representative people, soon settling down to the 
regulation military life, filled with hard work, 
arduous guard duty, only enlivened by the visits of 
admiring friends or occasional trips to Pittsburg on 
short leaves of absence. 

The crushing blow to the * feelings of the men 
who had instituted what was designed to be a 
whole-souled reception, came with a force that well 
nigh disheartened even the most hopeful, and lent 
color to the suspicions of those who had all along 
doubted the object of the grand display of military 
power. Upon the heels of this incident a reporter 
put this query to General Snowden : 

" General, is it intended to use your troops for 
the protection of non-union men ? " 

" The gates are open," was the significant 
response, " and you may enter if the company 
permits it." 

That reply would admit of no misinterpretation. 
It meant that if the steel company desired to start 



132 

the mills with the assistance of non-union labor, the 
guns of the militia would be trained upon any 
body of men who offered resistance, and it was the 
beginning of the end of the great strike. To some 
it sounded a victory for capital, and many of the 
toilers felt they must sooner or later submit or 
witness the shedding of more blood. Of the latter 
they had been treated to quite a sufficiency. 

Insomnia reigned supreme in Homestead, and 
its ghost stalked through the town, invading every 
household. The blow to the hopes of the strikers, 
in a measure left them inert and despairing. They 
realized their inability to cope successfully with 
the problem that had confronted them in so many 
different phases. Their dream of victory almost 
vanished. That one fatal sentence, uttered by the 
general whose pen and sword could blast and 
butcher, revealed the secrets of the future, and 
Homestead's men and women for the first time 
realized their helplessness. In this pitiful condi- 
tion they looked into each others' eyes, yet found 
no consolation there. 

Even the reaction which follows in the wake of 
despair furnished no cheering picture for the 
future. There was a slight chance for salvation — 
a mere shadow. The strikers could plead with the 
newcomers to return to their homes. " In union 
there is strength." How can labor demand its 
dues unless it is a unit ? The fleeting shadow, like 
all shadows, in time disappeared. 



*33 

How fared the soldiers up on the hillsides ? 
They grew hungry and restless. Feed a man well 
and it begets contentment. The boys were not 
very content. They began to cast about for pro- 
vender. Presently they heard a shrill, piping 
voice, some two hundred yards down the hill : 

" Ham sandwiches! Ham sandwiches! Five 
a-piece ! " 

There was the author tugging to get up the 
steep grade. He had a companion, and the two 
lads, possibly ten and twelve years of age, carried 
each a big basket filled with brown buns. The 
soldiers, in their haste to reach the tempting lunch, 
forgot they were uniformed for the field of battle, 
and that the childish intellect couldn't stand much 
of an onslaught. No doubt the soldiers did pre- 
sent an antagonistic appearance. At least, to the 
lads there must have been something terrible in 
the wild scramble above them. Dropping their 
burdens, they turned tail and scampered off 
toward Homestead. The soldiers reached the 
bits of bread and meat, and in a twinkling the 
baskets w r ere empty. Then the pipe-voiced owners 
were looked after. 

" Reckon I'll catch 'em and bring 'em back," 
said a Reading guard, and he was not long in 
doing so. 

" Come, lads," kindly remarked a, captain ; "we 
wouldn't hurt you. See ? the soldiers have left 
their nickels in your baskets ; " and sure enough, 
for every sandwich taken, a nickel had been depos- 




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, i35 

ited. The little Homesteaders made several trips 
to and from the town that day, and turned many 
an honest dollar by their transactions. 

Coroner McDowell began taking evidence at 
three o'clock Tuesday afternoon, but the inquest 
was brief. Captain William B. Rodgers, who 
commanded the steamer Little Bill on its cele- 
brated trip, testified that the steel company had 
employed him to transport the Pinkerton guards 
to Homestead, and that they had been transferred 
to the barges at Davis Island Dam between ten 
and eleven o'clock on the night of July 5. When 
within two miles of the place of destination, he 
heard the whistles and other indications of great 
activity and alarm. When the barges were landed 
the witness overheard Deputy Sheriff Gray tell 
Captain Heine not to shoot. 

Captain John Kennedy, watchman on the barges, 
corroborated the testimony of Captain Rodgers, 
and stated that the guards were not informed 
where they were going. The witness did not see 
a white flag run up from the barges. 

Captain C. B. Wishart, pilot of the Little Bill, 
Morris Rodgers, the engineer, Edward Wheeler, a 
deck hand, and John T. Cass, the mate, each made 
oath that the first shot came from the shore. 

Joseph G. Hofiinan, a Pinkerton guard, whose 
home was at Chicago, testified that when the 
attempt was first made to put out the gang-plank, 
his men were forced to desist and retreat on 



i 3 6 

account of a shower of stones and missiles hurled 
by the strikers. The second attempt to place the 
plank in position was more successful, and when 
the guards began to effect a landing, they were 
fired upon by the mill workers. 

The inquest was then continued to July 26. 



CHAPTER XV. 



Handling non-unionists — Undercurrent feeling — Scouring the coun- 
try — Receiving news from abroad — Martial law — Definition — No 
recognition — Right to arrest and sentence — A supreme edict — 
Undisputed power — Usurpation of authority — Rules for an army 
— Times of insurrection — Jurisdiction of courts — Abuse of au- 
thority — Invincible force — The " Little Bill" again — The sym- 
pathy strike — Convivial soldiers — Sober workmen — Orderly citi- 
zens — The millionaires' cavalry — Sunshine and storms — Piping 
for water — Insufferable heat — Troops in the mills. 

A posse of non-union workmen arrived Wednes- 
day. It was merely a handful of men — six in 
number — but was the advance guard. They 
were from the salt works, located out on the 
B. & O. road, and knew as njuch about making 
steel billets as they did about equity in law or the 
justice of a strike. They were there to make appli- 
cation for the position of one of the old men — no 
person supposed for an instant that six raw hands 
could take the place of more than one experienced 
worker. Argument, that weapon of civilization, 
was used effectively upon the pilgrims from the salt 
works, and they turned their faces towards the job 
they had but recently abandoned. This victory 



138 

was hailed as a good omen by the strikers, and 
they waited enthusiastically for other applicants 
to appear. 

The steel company, it was said, had sent their 
agents into all parts of the East, South and North, 
and even into the great and boundless West, for men 
to take the places of those who rebelled against 
what they considered the tyranny of the rich 
corporation. 

" Scouring the country for scabs ! Soldiers pro- 
tecting non-union labor ! Taking away our bread 
to feed the unworthy ! " 

These were some of the sentiments expressed by 
those who had been at work so long and whose 
homes were within a stone's throw of the mills. 
An undercurrent of feeling prevailed which was not 
at all complimentary to sheriff, generals or army. 
There were mutterings like the angry sea waves 
that are lashed into foam by some invisible power. 
There were hard thoughts in the minds of Home- 
stead's brawny men and bitter feelings in their 
hearts. The fate of non-union workers would have 
been settled without much controversy had this 
new element been left unprotected. This was but 
human nature asserting itself, and requires no 
excuse. 

The leaders had not been sleeping by any means. 
Disheartened they may have been at the prospect, 
but they were made of sterner stuff than those who 
surrender without a struggle. The contest was now 
an intellectual one, and sharp wits were at work 




h 



m 



5" 



SYLYESTER CRITCHLOW. 



141 

on both sides. Plans were laid to secure informa- 
tion from all points in this country and Europe 
respecting the departure of laboring men for Home- 
stead. How gladly representatives of organizations 
in New York, Chicago, San Francisco, New Orleans 
and other cities co-operated with Hugh O'Donnell 
and his friends ! It was that assistance which 
characterizes the actions of men fighting for a 
principle — which strengthens the purpose of those 
engaged in maintaining that principle until the 
goal is reached. A system was soon evolved and 
perfected for sending and receiving the desired 
information that never failed of its designs. Execu- 
tive taleiit of a high order was enlisted in the 
cause. Men under the control of others with cast- 
iron instructions to suffer no interference were 
started for Homestead, but many of them never 
arrived. Agents of the Amalgamated Association 
invaded every depot and gained access to almost 
every train containing the new men, and persuaded 
large numbers of them to turn back. The appeals 
of the strikers were listened to and heeded, to a 
large extent, but eventually, capital claimed the 
victory. 

Much has been said and written of the 
methods pursued by the military chiefs whose 
headquarters overlooked the army of soldiers and 
laborers. Was it martial law ? That question has 
been asked thousands of times. There are those 
yet living who felt the baneful influences of mar- 
tial law during the dark days of the Rebellion. 



142 

Ask any man who was unfortunate enough to have 
resided in New Orleans when General Butler 
became dictator of the Crescent city, and will he 
not tell you that the rules applied by General 
Snowden soon after his appearance at Homestead 
made him dictator of that helpless borough ? If 
so, these rules constituted martial law. Let us 
define this force. 

Martial law places the destinies of a community 
so inflicted at the mercy of him who declares it. 
Martial law recognizes no municipal authority if 
the man who establishes it so elects. Martial law 
gives its creator the right to arrest and sentence. 
Martial law is as supreme with him whb says it 
shall exist as the powers of ancient monarchies were 
to punish without protest from any subject. Such, 
in brief, is martial law. Or, rather, does it 
bestow upon its originator, powers that no poten- 
tate of this age posseses. 

In point of fact, martial law, as applied in this 
instance, — if it was applied, — was a usurpation of 
power wholly unjustifiable. Martial law really 
consists of rules ordained for the government of 
an army or military force. It is a law of war, as 
adopted by civilized belligerents for control of their 
respective armies and of those violating, in respect 
to such armies, the laws of war. It is distinguished 
from military law, martial law being for the con- 
duct of war itself, while military law is imposed by 
a de facto civil government for the control of a 
country which is the seat of war. Admitting its 



H3 

application to civil institutions, was there justifica- 
tion for declaring martial law at Homestead by the 
head of the army ? And, if it was applied, did 
not its sponsor violate the laws of the Common- 
wealth ? In time of insurrection martial law 
cannot be applied to citizens in States in which 
the courts are open and their processes unob- 
structed. For any abuse of authority the officer 
ordering and the person committing the act 
may be liable as trespassers. Martial law is built 
on no settled principles, but is entirely arbitrary 
in its decision. As applied to civilians, by an army 
of soldiers, it is in reality no law at all, but some- 
thing indulged simply because the man who pro- 
mulgates it has an invincible force at his command, 
while those who suffer its consequences are weak 
and helpless, and hence unable to protect them- 
selves. 

While in the abstract some of the strikers real- 
ized that the principles thus enunciated applied to 
their unhappy community, they were powerless to 
cast off its influences, and could do nothing to 
resent real or fancied wrongs. They must submit 
to the will of the alleged dictator. Even when 
the sen-ices of the steamer Little Bill were re- 
employed to ply between Pittsburg and the army for 
purposes of carrying the necessities of the hour, the 
strikers had to look upon the boat and bottle their 
wrath. They said it was adding insult to injury, 
which saying proved something of a relief to 
them. These were dark, dreary days for Home- 



144 

stead's men, and weary, wretched weeks for the 
women. 

The threatened sympathy strike was crystaliz- 
ing and the upper and lower Union mill hands 
were daily discussing the time when decisive action 
should be declared. Chairman O'Donnell and 
his lieutenants were receiving hundreds of letters 
and scores of telegrams every day, respecting the 
feelings of their brethren in other cities, and the 
movements of non-union men destined for the big 
mills so near at hand. Under all this pressure the 
strikers kept sober. The soldiers were enduring, 
as best they could, the heat of the sun, and the 
excitement of the strange and crude camp-life. 
Some were philosophical, while others fretted, and 
not a few permitted their convivial dispositions to 
lead them away from the paths of sobriety and 
rectitude. A few cases of suspended animation 
from the effects of the excessive heat occured. 
Otherwise the general health of the militia was 
good. 

In the midst of it all there arrived the million- 
aires' cavalry of Philadelphia— a troop composed 
of wealthy and influential citizens of the good old 
town. They created fresh interest in the camp. 
On top of their arrival that Wednesday afternoon 
came a heavy wind and driving rain storm. Those 
who were fortunate enough to have tents sought 
their friendly shelter, while the untented troops 
were compelled to accept the blessings in disguise 



145 

without the means of ordinary protection. Some 
of the soldiers had been stationed within the mill, 
thus further fortifying the situation against the 
strikers and thereby convincing them that it 
would some time be useless for them to kick 
against the pricks. And, so, time wore on. 




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CHAPTER XVI. 



Better discipline — Calmly waiting — That Congressional inquiry — 
Drift of investigation — Steering clear of causes — After mere inci- 
dents — Complaints of the steel men — A lower tariff — Home com- 
petition — Millions in profits — Labor like a Roman gladiator — Its 
fight for wage scales — Historical facts — A Macedonian cry — 
Carnegie wages — Chicago wages — Discrepancies — Labor as mer- 
chandise — Startling rumors of arrest — The company's efforts — 
Congresssional investigation proceedings — Chairman Frick's 
evidence. 



Better discipline among the soldiers naturally 
was enforced as the camp grew in age, and the 
town of Homestead settled down to a somewhat 
humdrum life. Its citizens waited patiently for 
anticipated events and watched calmly the proceed- 
ings of the Congressional investigation that had 
been making history since the beginning of the 
week. 

In the meantime, at Pittsburg, the committee 
from Washington was daily furnishing the news- 
papers with several columns of queries and the 
witnesses a similar amount of matter in the form of 
answers. It was a noticeable fact that this investi- 
gation had been confined to the mere incidents 



148 

from the time the Pinkertons attempted to land at 
Homestead tip to the point of investigation — i. e., 
up to the time of the arrival of the committee. It 
was presumed that after this momentous hour the 
occurrences that followed would be of no account 
— for the committee was at work. Ergo : Every- 
thing else must be of a slight consequence. 

And, after all, the Congressional Committee per- 
formed its duties much in the same manner as 
when, upon that memorable occasion, 

" The King of France and forty thousand men 
Drew out their swords, and — put them up again." 

Precisely why this investigation was principally 
devoted to the task of ascertaining who fired the 
first shot, who were wounded, who were killed, how 
many guns there were used in the battle, etc., etc., 
is one of the inscrutable conundrums that the 
human mind cannot answer. The causes of the 
lamentable tragedy had received but passing notice. 
Perhaps it is not in the province of such committees 
to seek the causes of an evil and recommend or 
suggest to the body appointing them a remedy. 

The claims of the steel company that a reduction 
in wages was necessary in consequence of a lower 
tariff were not justified by the facts. Home com- 
petition, it was advanced, was another reason why 
a reduction in wages must be made. This was not 
in harmony with the accepted facts, and was not 
consistent with the financial showing of the cor- 
poration in the past. Here is a proposition that, 
under no circumstances, will fail of establishment : 



149 

Despite the changes in the tariff and the ascen- 
sion to power of different national administrations 
of Government, the Carnegie interests increased in 
the matter of absolute profits to many millions of 
dollars. Labor, every recurring year, had to enter 
the arena like a Roman gladiator, and battle for the 
wage scale. Attacks upon this fortification were 
made annually, and the wage workers had employed 
every available defense to prevent its destruction. 
Encroachments upon its vital points had been made 
with varying success, and, as with the dripping of 
water upon a rock, time was the essential feature to 
wear it out completely. This, then, was a part of 
the history of the trouble, and it still remains one 
of the chief reasons why a book chronicling the 
events of that dreadful period has been written. 

Statistics point with unerring precision to the 
fact that the profits on Bessemer specialties for 1891 
ranged from 33 to 66 per cent. And yet, we find 
the manufacturers pleading poverty and resorting 
to every device that shrewd and able minds are 
capable of suggesting, to reduce the wage worker's 
income, and, incidentally, to cripple the organiza- 
tion that has protected him from becoming the 
intelligent slave of an unscrupulous master. Pov- 
erty for the manufacturer ! Away with the Mace- 
donian cry ! 

Blowers in the converting department of the 
Carnegie works, at the time in question, were 
receiving $1.05 per hundred tons. Blowers in the 
converting department of the Union Steel Com- 



*50 

pany, at Chicago, during the same period, were 
receiving $2.34 per hundred tons. Why this differ- 
ence — a difference of more than 100 per cent ? Why 
had not the Congressional Committee seen fit, thus 
far, to get at the root of the evil ? It would indeed 
seem that capital was and is intent upon treating 
labor as mere merchandise. 

Quite likely the strikers were thinking of these 
matters while they were waiting for the non-union 
laborers to arrive, and as they witnessed the prepa- 
rations, made step by step, to receive, protect and 
foster the newcomers, w r ho can say they were not 
justified in dwelling upon the cruelty of Fate ? To 
add to their general discomfiture it began to be 
whispered about that some of their number were to 
be prosecuted, and that warrants for their arrest 
might be issued at any time. From their stand- 
point of view it was hard to believe that such a 
course would be pursued ; so, whenever the matter 
was mentioned to them they simply smiled and 
encouraged their friends to place no reliance upon 
the reports. 

After duly discussing the situation in all its 
bearings, the Advisory Committee resolved to issue 
the following circular addressed to the trades 
unions of the United States : 

" Fellow Workmen : — We are constrained by 
the force of circumstances to lay before you a 
matter of vital importance, not alone to us, but one 
which threatens, if successful, to undermine every 



I 5 I 

trade organization in the United States, and reduce 
us to a system of serfdom which was the lot of our 
forefathers in the middle ages. We are engaged in 
a fight to the death, not only with a many time 
millionaire by the name of A. Carnegie, but also 
with those blood-thirsty thugs and hirelings, 
namely, the Pinkertons, who have invaded our 
peaceful homes and laid low a number of true- 
hearted trade unionists, made widows of their 
wives and orphans of their children, and they are 
left totally unprovided for. We have also a num- 
ber of unskilled laborers who barely earned an 
existence while they had employment, and, now 
that is denied them, they are in want. Therefore, 
we appeal to our fellow unionists in this, our hour 
of need, for assistance, knowing full well that it will 
not be denied us. Help us, therefore, to gain a 
victory that will redound to the name of organized 
labor, and wipe out that blot upon civilization, 
namely, the Pinkerton murderers. Therefore, 
again we ask you to assist us financially in our 
hour of need, protect the widows and orphans, and 
receive their blessings. 

" Send all donations to W. Weihe, President A. 
A. of I. & S. W., No. 514 Smithfield street, Pitts- 
burg, Pa., and notify Thomas J. Crawford, box 196, 
Homestead, Pa., and George F. Ryland, box 281, 
Homestead, Pa., of all monies sent." 

This circular was sent broadcast throughout the 
land and met with a most liberal response. The 



warm-hearted laborer, not knowing when his own 
fireside might be desolated and his own little ones 
crying for bread, sent cheering words to the sor- 
rowful homes at Homestead, and with the assurance 
of sympathy from many full hearts, came more 
substantial sympathy from not over-full pocket- 
books. 

The Congressional investigation had been grind- 
ing away -at the Monongahela Hotel. It consisted 
of W. C. Oates of Alabama, chairman ; W. H. 
Bynum of Indiana ; C. J. Boatner of Louisiana ; 
E. B. Taylor of Ohio ; and Case Broderick, of 
Kansas. The Carnegie side was represented by 
brilliant counsel, in the persons of Messrs Knox & 
Reed, while the Amalgamated Association de- 
pended for legal assistance upon that able and 
sturdy lawyer, W. J. Brennen. The Amal- 
gamated Association had proper representation in 
President William Weihe, Hugh O'Donnell and 
several others. 

When the committee called H. C. Frick to the 
front as the first .witness there was breathless 
silence, and the witness was visibly affected in his 
new role. However, he was soon composed, and 
then he was asked why the services of the Pinker- 
tons were sought before it became apparent that 
the sheriff had exhausted his resources. The wit- 
ness replied by citing the disarming and routing 
of one hundred Pinkertons at the company'! 
Duquesne works three years ago. He was satisfied 



i53 

that the sheriff was willing and anxious to secure 
the requisite number of men to protect the Home- 
stead works, but was unable to do so, and explained 
that the immense fence was constructed a month 
prior to the appointment of the Amalgamated 
Association Advisory Committee. The witness 
was asked to explain about the large number 
of port-holes that one or two Congressmen had 
noticed in the fence. The characteristic answer 
was, that " they were made for the purpose of 
looking out to see what might be on the outside." 
He also stated that he refused to send the Pinker- 
tons to Homestead without the consent of the 
sheriff. The sheriff sent his chief deputy to Belle- 
vue, and this deputy accompanied the Pinkertons 
to their destination. 

Chairman Frick produced the pay roll of the 
119-inch mill for the month of May, 1892, which 
contained the name of every man and boy em- 
ployed in that department, the number of days he 
worked and the amount he received. The wages 
ranged all the way from $40 to $275 per month. 
He detailed the negotiations with the men on the 
new scale and the failure to agree. By this scale 
he said only 325 out of the entire 3800 men 
employed were affected. He stated that the pro- 
posed reductions were based on the decline in 
prices during the past three years and attributed 
the decline to over production and reduction in the 
tariff. He declined to state the cost of production 
per ton, or to tell the labor cost alone. 



*54 

Mr Oates : " You state that after the sheriff 
failed, you employed the Pinkertons. Did you 
appeal to the Governor?" 

Mr Frick : " No, sir ; the experience of past 
years was that the sheriff was powerless. We 
concluded to employ our own watchmen, put them 
on our own property, and have them stay there to 
protect it. We hired them and agreed to pay 
them five dollars per day, and secured three 
hundred of them on June 24. We concluded it 
would be necessary to protect our own property 
and employ new men." 

Mr Boatner : " Non-union men ? " 

Mr Frick: "We did not care whether they 
were union or non-union men, so we opened up 
correspondence with the Pinkerton agency, and 
negotiations were effected for their service." 

The witness then stated that he did not join the 
sheriff in asking for troops till Sunday night, and 
then it was not in conjunction with the sheriff. 

The committee had Mr Frick go over the matter 
of the sliding scale, the chief features of which 
appear in the early portions of this book, and 
which do not require a repetition at this time. 
Mr Frick was recalled at other times during the 
proceedings, as, in the opinion of the committee, 
occasion demanded his presence. 



CHAPTER XVII. 



Continuing the investigation — Mr Frick again on the stand — Cap- 
tain Rodgers testifies — Story of the fatal fight — Efforts to get 
deputies — The call for the State troops — Deputies' duties — 
President Weihe's words for the workers — Vital questions — Or- 
ganized capital versus organized labor — Hugh O'Donnell ex- 
amined — Ex-President Roberts' reasons — Solution of the problem 
— Action of the Senate — Political interference — Majority and 
minority reports. 



The work of the Congressional investigating 
committee grew more entertaining, and the room 
in which the examinations were carried on was 
uncomfortably crowded after the first day. Chair- 
man Frick was again called to the stand, but 
beyond the admission that he " thought he had 
advised the arming of the Pinkertons," nothing of 
importance was elicited. The next witness called 
was Captain Rodgers, commander of the steamer 
Little Bill. In a few words he told his story, 
which was substantially as follows : 

" On June 25, Mr Frick sent for me to arrange 
for the transportation of three hundred or more 
men, with the necessary supplies, to act as watch- 
men under the direction of the sheriff. I fitted up 



i56 

barges with berths and provisions for their accom- 
modation. No, sir," in reply to a question from 
Judge Taylor, " the barges were not lined with 
steel, or given any other protection than the ordi- 
nary sheeting used in all barges. I did not know 
arms were on board till they were unpacked. They 
came in boxes like the provisions. On July 5, I 
received orders from Mr Frick to send boats to 
Davis Island Dam, where we met Jos. H. Gray, 
who presented a letter of introduction as deputy 
sheriff from Messrs Knox & Reed. But few of the 
Pinkertons seemed to realize the danger they were 
about to incur. Their chief ambition appeared to 
be to eat and sleep. Two-thirds of them were in 
bed asleep when the firing began." 

Mr Broderick: "Was there any firing before 
you landed ? " 

Capt. Rodgers : " Yes, for twenty-five minutes ; 
the men ran along the shore firing at the barges. 
The Pinkertons for the first time seemed to awake 
to the situation, and began to unpack their arms." 

Sheriff McCleary was then called upon to tell 
what he knew of thq strike, and what efforts he 
had made to quell it. He was very nervous and 
his answers were evasive in several instances. 

. He gave the story of his fruitless efforts to get 
men to serve as deputies to protect the mills, in 
detail, and said the reason it was impossible was 
because the men were afraid of being killed. He 
refused the offer of the locked-out men to give five 
hundred guards, because, he said, he was satisfied 



THOMAS M. .MARSHALL, Sr. 



*59 

that they would keep out everybody, including the 
owners. On July 4 he was notified by the com- 
pany that he must protect the property, and, in 
consequence, sent twelve deputies to the w r orks for 
that purpose, but they were driven away by the 
men. 

Mr Oates : " What was your next move ? " 

Sheriff McCleary : "I issued four hundred no- 
tices for deputies, getting but twenty-three replies 
Thursday and twenty-nine on Friday. I did not 
consider it safe to go with such a small force, and 
notified Governor Pattison that I was unable to 
preserve order. He replied that he thought the 
civil powers had not been exhausted. I then 
waited until the Sunday after the battle, when I 
telegraphed again to the Governor, and he ordered 
out the troops. Messrs Knox & Reed informed 
me of their intention before they sent the three 
hundred Pinkertons up to the works, but I refused 
to deputize them, and advised against their being 
sent. Mr Knox then asked to have a deputy sent 
with the Pinkertons to assist in preserving the 
peace. I consented, and sent Colonel Gray, with 
instructions that if there was much opposition to 
their landing, he should order the captain and the 
Pinkertons to come away." 

Mr Boatner : u What was Mr Gray sent with 
these men for? " 

SheriflF McCleary : " To preserve the peace. He 
had no authority to deputize the men. He had 
authority to demand peace as a deputy sheriff. I 



i6o 

sent a request to President Weihe, of the Amal- 
gamated Association, to call on me, which he did. 
I wanted to see if he could not end the trouble. 
While he was in my office I received a telegram 
that the Pinkertons had surrendered and were 
under arrest. I was informed that if I did not 
remove them, more lives would he lost." 

Deputy Sheriff Samuel B. Cluley was sworn next 
and told of the deputies being refused admittance 
to the mills by the strikers. Captain Rodgers, on 
being recalled and questioned as to Colonel Gray's 
part in the affair, said : 

" We all understood he was in charge and looked 
to him for orders." 

President Weihe, of the Amalgamated Associa- 
tion, was the first witness sworn in in behalf of the 
workers. He explained to the committee the 
working of the " sliding scale " of '89 and pointed 
out the objectionable features of the new scale as 
prepared by the company. He stated that reduc- 
tions averaging 1 8 per cent were proposed in nearly 
all departments. The men did not think these 
reductions justifiable.. The date of expiration of 
the scale was another vital question to the men', as 
they could not work in the heated term. Other 
objections were that in some jobs men were reduced 
before they reached the scale. Under the new 
scale men were removed and other men asked to do 
the extra work without extra pay. Allowances, 
according to President Weihe, were always made 
for improvements, and where a job was done away 



i6i 

with no objections were made. He then related 
the conference with Mr Frick, stating that the firm 
had set a date after which no conference could be 
held. The object of the Amalgamated Association 
was to see that no advantage was taken of the 
members and to obtain fair remuneration for their 
labor. 

Mr Taylor : " Why do the workmen think they 
are justified in taking possession of the mill ? " 

President Weihe : u I don't think, there are any 
in the association who do. I think the men would 
have protected the mill." 

Mr Taylor : "Are you willing that an arbitra- 
tion bill, that would settle all questions of this 
character, should be passed by either the State or 
Congress? M 

President Weihe : "I cannot answer for the 
association. The history of most arbitration has 
been against the workmen." 

Congressman Boatner : " Organized capital 
claims the right to operate the mills under the 
law. Organized labor, as I understand it, clafims 
the right to prevent them and to exercise tyranny. 
Now, could there be any valid objection to a tribu- 
nal which shall arbitrate ? " 

President Weihe : "I believe it will come to 
that." 

Congressman Boatner : " Is it advisable to estab- 
lish compulsory arbitration ? " 

President Weihe : "I do not know whether 
compulsory arbitration would be successful. The 



l62 

State trade unions have a voluntary tribunal, but it 
has not worked. The trouble in estimating wages 
is that the firms will not show up what the exact 
cost of production is. If there was no minimum 
when the markets came to be slow the big firms 
could go' into the markets and cut rates. " 

" The firm concedes the justice of a minimum," 
interrupted Mr Knox, one of Mr Carnegie's 
attorneys. 

" The workmen believe," continued President 
Weihe, u that they understand their business better 
than any one, and think that they and the manu- 
facturers should attend to their own business and 
agree on something." 

"Yes," rejoined Mr Boatner, sarcastically; but 
you did not seem to want to agree till several had 
been killed." 

The witness was asked if the association always 
carried out its contracts, and he replied that it did. 
Whereupon Chairman Oates asked if it was not true 
that, after signing the scale certain members of the 
association had notified the company that unless 
certain things were done in this controversy, they 
would quit work and thus break their contract. To 
which Mr Weihe responded : 

" Well, I know some such thing was done." 

President Weihe was followed by Hugh 
O'Donnell, chairman of the Advisory Committee, 
who had been active in restraining the locked-out 
men from violence. Chairman Oates, before begin- 
ning the examination, said : 



i6 3 

" Mr O'Donnell, I do not assume that your con- 
duct during this trouble has been such as to render 
you liable to prosecution, but during the examina- 
tion you need not answer any question which you 
think may in any way incriminate you." 

The witness quietly replied that he was not 
afraid of any question they might ask. 

Chairman Oates : " Do you know what new 
machinery the company intends to put in ? " 

Chairman O'Donnell : " No, sir. There have 
been no improvements in the 119-inch plate mill 
since it was constructed. It stands to-day as it did 
on the day it was built.'' 

Chairman Oates : " Was there any order in your 
lodges to quit work on account of the scale ? " 

The witness : " It was understood that we 
should do so." 

Chairman O'Donnell described the differences 
that had arisen over the proposed change of the 
scale, and said that when the lock-out was declared 
the local lodges of the Amalgamated Association 
held a joint meeting and appointed members of an 
Advisoiy Committee, of which he was chosen 
chairman. 

ki We realized,' ' said he, " that we had to deal 
with many irresponsible people, and a number of 
the most conservative men we had were appointed 
to guard property, and see that no damage was' 
done to the company's belongings. ' The best men 
we had formed the Advisory Committee, and the 
guards were instructed to use moral suasion only." 



i6 4 

His testimony further went to show that no 
effort had been made to overawe the sheriff or his 
deputies, but that these officers had decided of their 
own volitibn that it would be better for them not 
to remain in Homestead. He also made a brief 
statement of the great battle and surrender of the 
Pinkertons. Mr Frick was present and seemed ill 
at ease when certain questions were being asked. 

Mr Oates asked Mr O'Donnell why the working- 
men exhibit such antipathy to the Pinkertons. His 
reply was : 

" On this occasion it was doubtless due to the 
fact that six of our number lay dead, shot by Pin- 
kerton bullets." 

Mr Oates : " Why were they met with resist- 
ance from the first ? " > 

Chairman O'Donnell : " Because they were 
regarded as armed and unlawful invaders ; as 
armed allies of the capitalists. The chief objection 
to their coming here was that we feared their 
presence was but a cover for the appearance of 
non-union men." 

At this point the meeting adjourned until four 
o'clock, P. M., when Burgess McL,uckie was called 
to the stand. He stated it as his belief that a 
gigantic conspiracy existed somewhere, aided and 
abetted by legislation, to deprive workingmen of 
their rights. He arraigned Governor McKinley, 
the Union Pacific railway and the Carnegie com- 
pany, including Mr Frick, as being parties to the 
conspiracy. He also denounced the Pinkertons as 



i6 5 

being a class of men owned and operated by 
unscrupulous capitalists. 

" I don't know but w T hat you are right/' 
remarked Judge Taylor. " I have no sympathy for 
them myself.' ' 

Burgess McLuckie said he would like the com- 
mittee to understand that the trouble at Homestead 
on July 6 was not between labor and capital. It 
was between two classes of employes. One class 
— the thugs — were employed with the money 
earned by the honest labor of the other. 

William T. Roberts, ex-president of the Amal- 
gamated Association, was next placed upon the 
stand. He said that Superintendent Potter stated 
to the conference committee that the reason for the 
reduction was that some of the men were making 
too much money. The Amalgamated committee 
had power to settle the differences, but after they 
had received this authority they never heard from 
Mr Potter until Mr Frick's ultimatum was presented. 

In reply to Mr Boatner's questions, he said he 
felt sure that the matter could have been settled if 
the conference had been carried on. The objection 
to the termination of the scale in January was that 
from past experience, when the wanter comes and 
the scale expires, manufacturers take advantage of 
the cold weather to starve their men into submis- 
sion. The association w T as willing, so he stated, 
to make a three, five, or even a ten years' scale, 
and give the firm the privilege of making their 
repairs when they chose. 



i66 

Congressman Boatner asked : "Are you in favor 
of compulsory arbitration ? " 

" I think," said Mr Roberts, " that it is perhaps 
the only solution of the problem. " 

Congressman Boatner : " You think if the 
manufacturers are protected to the extent of 75 or 
100 per cent, you ought to get a share of it ? " 

Mr Roberts : " Yes, sir." 

Congressman Boatner : " I think so, too." 

Mr Bynum : " Where does the consumer come 
in ? I suppose he gets left ? " 

Mr Roberts ended his testimony by stating that 
Mr Abbott, the former chairman of the Carnegie 
committee, said their quotations on steel billets 
were $2 lower than the market price, and insisted 
that the scale should be arranged on that basis. 

Deputy Sheriff Gray, who escorted the Pinker- 
tons up the river, declared emphatically that the 
first shot came from the shore, but on cross-exam- 
ination was forced to admit that there was some 
shooting from the barges before the continuous 
firing from the shore began. 

General Superintendent Potter, of the Home- 
stead mills, gave a graphic description of the 
Pinkerton expedition, but failed to give any satis- 
faction in regard to the cost of products. 

14 The mills," said Mr Potter, " are the finest and 
most automatic in the world. I have visited 
France and England, and we are far ahead of all 
competitors. It costs us less to produce, and our 
men make more money. We thought ourselves 



i6 7 

entitled to the advantages, but before the mill 
closed down we found ourselves hung in effigy. 
When I sent a man to take down the effigy of Mr 
Frick, the workmen turned the hose on hirn." 

Austin Codfish, workman, testified in favor of 
the strikers in regard to the reductions of wages. 

Captain Kennedy, watchman on the barge, said : 

" The Pinkertons were a lot of cowards. They 
thought they were to have the authority given our 
policemen, and so boasted on the way up. Five or 
six of them were wounded in the first run, but not 
one died on the barge. Twelve in all were shot. 
I think Gray as big a coward as any of them." 

Mr Frick, on being recalled, stated that the value 
of the plant was between $5,000,000 and 
$6,000,000, but that if they would run under the 
old rates they would become bankrupt. 

The meeting adjourned Thursday, July 14, 1892. 
On the same date the Senate committee on contin- 
gent expenses introduced resolutions for investigat- 
ing the various features of the strike and the part 
taken by the Pinkertons. 

The Congressional investigation resulted in 
nothing. As might have been expected, politics 
crept into the matter, and majority and minority 
reports were made upon the return of the com- 
mittee to Washington. 



CHAPTER XVIII. 



General Snowden's chapter — Well trained intellect — Also, well 
trained soldiery — A charitable view — A successful campaign — 
Familiarizing — Two great generals — That map — An extraordi- 
nary occurrence — Scholarly effort — Literary gem — Ingenious cli- 
maxes — " Marching resolutely through the streets" — " Open 
arms " — The lams episode — Parting shots — " Cephalic Elephan- 
tiasis " — Squeezing the soldiers to death — An inspiring Scene — 
A generous soldier — A true gentleman — Squaring himself — Lo- 
cating the blame — A similarity and a sight. 

The feeling engendered against the officers of 
the militia, and especially against General Snow- 
den, did not blind the strikers to the fact that 
superior military judgment had been exercised in 
seizing upon advantageous points, as well as in the 
distribution of the troops. Upon different occa- 
sions, when rumors were circulated respecting sus- 
picious actions on the part of the people of 
Homestead, the soldiers were handled in a most 
expeditious manner ; and behind it all was recog- 
nized the operation of a clear and well trained 
intellect. Impositions were practiced upon the 
military chieftains, no doubt, for there was scarcely 
a time when the defenceless strikers were in a 
position to create serious trouble, had they been so 



i6g 

disposed, and it seemed almost like mockery to 
make these displays of superiority in skill and 
numbers. More than that, they were unnecessary, 
and consequently unjust and useless. Their logic 
was not evident to anyone except to the person 
who displayed his authority and exhibited his 
power. Had the strikers declared their hostility, 
menaced the army, or threatened an attack of any 
kind, these maneuvers might have been excused, 
or even commended. Perhaps, however, the imag- 
ination of the war-like brains in command was of 
a most lively character, and the sudden rising of a 
molehill was at once magnified into a gigantic 
mountain. This is the charitable view to take 
at so late a day, and it is pleasanter to entertain 
that view than to think the commanding general 
or any of his subordinates could have been so cruel 
as to harrow up the souls of the disheartened men 
when it required all the latent energy they pos- 
sessed to sustain them in an enterprise of such 
peaceful intent; and one which required the 
courage of heroes to execute on these lines. 

Xo person questioned General Snowden's ability 
to conduct this one-sided campaign successfully ; 
and after he had been assured of the hearty co-opera- 
tion of the municipal authorities, as well as that of 
the Amalgamated Association, his success was 
doubly assured. His modesty, too, came out in bold 
relief, when, after six days of peace and quiet, he 
took a correspondent of one of the big New York 
dailies into his tent and said : 



170 

"I and my officers are now familiar with the 
streets of the borough. You see how the six 
streets lead from the apex of the hill on which the 
troops are encamped, diverging down to the river ? 
If any conflict should arise, (and I hope for the 
workmen's sake there will not), it can be seen how 
easily they could be forced down into the river. 
That was the secret of Sheridan's success* — in 
knowing the country." 

This display of modesty materially assisted the 
correspondent in embellishing his report with the 
statement that " General Snowden has shown 
remarkable strategic ability in his movements so 
far. He has a topographical map of .Homestead 
and vicinity, which he has been studying carefully, 
to familiarize himself with the country around the 
mills." 

General Snowden, in his report to the adjutant 
general, of the Homestead affair, published long 
after the trouble was settled, says : 

" On the night of the eleventh-twelfth (of July), 
I finally arranged to occupy Homestead. Fortu- 
nately, Lieutenant Colonel Elliott, having been in 
Pittsburg on military duty on the previous week, 
at my suggestion, went to the scene of disturbance, 
and with risk to personal injury, and with much 
skill and ingenuity, procured the necessary infor- 
mation, making valuable sketches, and supplying 
himself with maps." 

The " topographical map," it seems, had been 
in the general's possession only one week prior to 



J7 1 

the time he u finally arranged to occupy Home- 
stead," and thus he had but one week and six days 
in which to "study carefully the map, to familiarize 
himself with the country around the mills." 
When one considers that General Snowden had to 
eat three meals on each of those thirteen days, it 
may be recorded as a most extraordinary occur- 
rence that within this brief space of time he had 
studied the map so carefully as to be familiar with 
the country around the mills ; or, to use his own 
words, he had succeeded %v in knowing the coun- 
try." ''Sheridan's success — in knowing the 
country, 11 was Snowden's watchword, and the liv- 
ing general flattered the memory of the dead one 
when he so condescendingly mentioned his own 
name in connection with that of America's illus- 
trious son of war. 

General Snowden's report, by the way, is a 
scholarly effort — a literary gem ; and it entitles 
him to a proud position in the ranks of amateur 
literati of the country. The word "amateur" 
is not employed with any feeling of disrespect to 
the author. It is simply the first production from 
his pen that has attracted attention, and one that a 
more pretentious I iter at cur might envy. His 
report, too, is quite graphic, and contains many 
brilliant paragraphs, with ingenious climaxes ap- 
pearing at proper times. There are authors in 
the world who persist in the rather novel and 
paradoxical method of beginning a chapter with a 
climax, but General Snowden has seen fit to adhere 
to the good old orthodox style. 



172 

Fancy an officer of the militia in $0 thrilling a 
position as the one described by General Snowden, 
who says : 

" Under instructions from the provost marshal, 
Major Kay marched resolutely through the streets 
[Homestead's streets], but, contrary to his expecta- 
tion, met with no opposition or uncivil behavior. " 

One might have expected any amount of " oppo- 
sition or uncivil behavior " from the strikers, for 
they were prepared to receive the soldiers according 
to instructions from their leaders — "with open 
arms," and other terrible methods. True, the 
newspapers had given publicity to the manner in 
which the strikers had enthusiastically decided to 
receive the soldiers, but General Snowden could 
not believe the newspapers/ He says in his report, 
(referring to the lams episode), that he had 
refrained from stating his position with reference 
to certain features, " for the obvious reasons that 
in view of the censure, in ignorance of the facts, 
put upon Lieutenant Colonel Streator by the news- 
papers. " The ignorance of the press in one 
instance applies in all others in the estimation of 
individuals afflicted with cephalic elephantiasis . 
Therefore, who could expect General Snowden to 
believe the plebeian statement that the strikers 
had resolved to receive the soldiers " with open 
arms." Or, perhaps, he tortured this term into 
signifying that his soldiers would not only be 
received u with open arms," but that they (the 
soldiers) would be squeezed to death in the em- 



173 

braces that usually follow this interesting process. 
It stood him well in hand, under the circumstances, 
to exercise unusual precaution, and again his mili- 
tary sagacity was reflected with wonderful bril- 
liancy. The inspiring sight created by Major Kay 
(obeying instructions) as he a marched resolutely 
through the streets," was a picture never to be oblit- 
erated from the minds of those who witnessed it. 

The General avails himself of the opportunity to 
give lams a farewell rap by observing that " lams 
was punished according to the usages of war and 
not more severely than he deserved to be, or the 
circumstances required." This sentence ought to 
settle lams and his friends. They will at least 
recognize the true spirit ola generous soldier in 
this parting shot, and those who read these pages 
may be constrained to wish for the ability to 
increase their admiration and respect for this brave 
and fearless militia commander. 

In closing this chapter, and while upon this par- 
ticular feature of the lams matter, it may as well 
be stated that General Snowden, in his report, takes 
occasion to correct the erroneous impression that he 
ordered the punishment inflicted upon the unhappy 
man whose sufferings were something almost 
beyond belief. On page 80 of the report, General 
Snowden says : 

" It was necessary to get him, lams, out of the 
camp without delay, for fear that his presence there 
might lead to open marks of sympathy and perhaps 
open opposition to his confinement. Hence, I 



i 7 4 

ordered, as taken down at the time by Lieutenant- 
Colonel North, assistant adjutant-general, and by 
him endorsed on the paper which was returned : 
1 Discharge him in disgrace, drum him out of the 
camp and send him home.' While talking with 
Lieutenant Critchfield, acting aid-de-camp to Colo- 
nel Hawkins, who brought the communication 
across the river, I intimated that it was well in such 
cases to follow certain usages, mentioning them, 
and to expel lams from his regiment with some 
ceremony. It seems that the Lieutenant, on report- 
ing to the Colonel, expressed this intimation as an 
order, and coming as it did from an officer of his 
staff, he was justified in so considering it and carry- 
ing it out." 

The world will be glad that General Snowden 
exonerates himself from this frightful charge, and 
places the blame where it belongs. In doing so he 
once more displays the instincts of a brave soldier 
and a true gentleman. The General's report is so 
like its author — entertaining, generous, noble, 
manly, frank, self-sacrificing — as to be well worth 
seeing. 




H. C. FR1CK. 



CHAPTER XIX. 



Courting arrest — Justice for others — Public opinion — Demonstra- 
tions of other workers — Painful silence — Curt talk — An ultima- 
tum — The strike — Turning off the gas — Another strike — Gather- 
ings — Militia faultlessly organized — Laden with wild rumors — 
The visit of a Bishop — Counseling moderation — Encouraging 
information — Buoyant hopes — The boycott as a weapon — A fatal 
blow — Good bye, Pinkerton system. 

That the leaders whose arrest was reported to 
have been practically decided upon, were indifferent 
to the contemplated action, is plain, for they 
returned from Pittsburg to Homestead at the very 
time the officers of the law were said to have the 
warrants ready to serve. In an interview of July 
13, Hugh O'Donnell said : 

" Yes, I have been anticipating arrest for days, 
although I don't think anything will be done until 
after the Congressional Committee ceases its labors. 
Of course it is only a big bluff, and will amount to 
nothing. I do not deny that I saw the fight with 
the Pinkertons ; that I carried the flag of truce 
which ended the battle, and that I was badly hurt 
myself in trying to save the detectives from the 
vengeance of the mob. If this was criminal, then 



178 

I am ready to go to prison for my crime. Further 
than this I defy the detectives to prove any crimi- 
nality on my part. 

" To be candid, I hope I will be arrested. It 
will relieve me of the responsibility which has 
somehow been pushed upon me in this trouble, and 
I want to go into court and have this outrageous 
attack upon peaceful citizens by hired assassins 
investigated and righted, so that the whole world 
may know the truth. If I am guilty of inciting 
the riot, the sheriff knows where I live, and I am 
not going to leave my home. But I will not go to 
prison alone. I expect that Mr Frick and Mr 
Pinkerton will have some unpleasant questions to 
answer at the bar of justice. 

"The people of this country must understand 
that we have not changed one particle of our posi- 
tion for all that has happened within the past ten 
days. We know that we are right ; we know that 
we will defend ourselves to the limit of our rights, 
and we know that we have the public opinion of 
the country behind us." 

This declaration found an echo in the hearts of 
all the leaders, and put to rest whatever fears their 
followers may have shown with reference to disas- 
trous results attending the serving of warrants. 
The strikers, also, found a cheering hope in the 
approaching sympathetic demonstrations at other 
Carnegie works. The silence of Chairman Frick 
respecting the request of the Pittsburg and Beaver 
Falls employes, that the company reopen negotia- 



179 

tions with the Homestead strikers, could mean 
simply one thing, and could have but one result. 
The temper of the men had been greatly aggra- 
vated by the manner of Chairman Frick and the 
talk of Secretary Lovejoy. The latter said curtly : 

"It (the question of reopening negotiations and 
the promise of the new strike) will have no effect 
whatever on the policy of the Carnegie Steel Com- 
pany, nor will their request be granted. Our 
course has been set, and it will not be changed, no 
matter what the result. We will hold no more 
conferences with the Homestead mill workers, no 
matter what may occur. We already have said 
that, and it is final. If every man in our employ 
— and there are 16,000 of them — if every man in 
every department of every mill should refuse to 
work, it could not alter the case, nor would our 
determination to hold no more conferences be 
changed." 

This ultimatum no doubt precipitated the sym- 
pathy strike, for at noon, July 14, the employes in 
the upper and lower Union mills quit work, and 
the gas was turned off in the furnaces. Three 
hours later the men in all departments were out 
and the mills were shut down. This was the most 
remarkable iron strike on record, the firm having 
signed the Amalgamated scale for the ensuing 
year. Superintendent Dillon shook hands witli 
many of the men as they left, expressing regret at 
the course they had adopted. On the heels of this 
came word that the Beaver Falls mills had notified 



i8o 

the steel company of an intended sympathetic 
strike, also, and the defy of the steel company was 
not long in being returned. 

These expected events logically caused no little 
discussion at Homestead. Crowds gathered in 
various portions of the town to talk about the 
matter, and naturally the largest gatherings ap- 
peared near headquarters on Eighth avenue. The 
faultless organization of the militia was never more 
apparent than upon this occasion. Without the 
slightest excitement troops suddenly appeared at 
points suited for controlling outbreaks, and so 
admirably were they handled that the town, the 
mills and surrounding country were placed under 
surveillance with remarkable rapidity If trouble 
had been brewing, there would have been no 
chance for it to assume tangible form. These 
movements indicated perfection so far as the army 
was concerned. 

The crowds took cognizance of the multitude of 
threadbare rumors, as well as new and more start- 
ling ones, that had been passed from mouth to 
mouth as time wore on, and upon this particular 
day the air seemed laden with the wildest stories. 
Hundreds of non-union men were about to appear, 
so the reports ran ; disaffection was spreading 
among the strikers, was a story often before started, 
but now presented stronger than ever ; a tunnel 
under one of the principal thoroughfares, designed 
to effect connection between the town and works, 
so that men and dynamite could be installed and 



i8i 

placed within the big enclosure, was a fake sent 
out by some of the newspapers ; a fearful explosive 
had just been discovered by a foreign chemist, who 
was on his way to Homestead to wreck the mills, 
was the sensation a Cincinnati paper sprung ; 
negroes from Alabama were on their way to per- 
form mill work, was a statement wired from some 
point in the East or South ; a recent formation of 
Pinkerton guards, and the organization of a band 
of tough guards by another private detective con- 
cern was an old piece of gossip dished up by some 
clever liar whose plausibility was quite marked ; 
hundreds of cots had been smuggled into the mills 
by some mysterious means, was an oft-repeated 
yarn with fresh attachments ; Governor Pattison 
and staff either already were in camp, or soon 
would be there, had been circulated at stated inter- 
vals, and scores of other alarming conditions were 
rehearsed, until Homestead had about concluded 
that a shower of meteors, accompanied by general 
havoc and destruction, would be necessary to com- 
plete the list of thrilling episodes and harrowing 
calamities yet unmentioned. 

Instead of these visitations, came the Right 
.Reverend Bishop Fallows, of the Episcopal diocese 
of Chicago, and the good man attended a mass 
meeting being held that afternoon. The bishop 
said : 

" I came to Homestead on my own account. I 
want to look into your faces and help you if I can. 
I counsel nloderation on both sides, and advocate 



1 82 

arbitration. Labor has rights that should be 
respected by all men, and I hope to see your 
troubles disappear through the great avenue of 
arbitration. Of one thing the laboring people of. 
the world may be sure — you have dealt the Pinker- 
ton system a death blow ! " 

Although the bishop's remarks were continued, 
his reference to the disposition of this monstrous 
system created so much enthusiasm that no man's 
voice could have penetrated the cheers and ap- 
plause. At this meeting a relief committee was 
formed to care for any who might need assistance, 
and word was received from the friends who had 
voluntarily stepped down and out from positions of 
remuneration at other Carnegie mills, that they 
were cheerful and hopeful, and that they would 
never surrender. 

The Homestead leaders, too, had received further 
encouraging information from abroad. Carpenters, 
stonemasons and bricklayers employed on some of 
the big buildings throughout the country had quit 
work because the owners of these buildings per- 
sisted in using iron and steel manufactured by the 
Carnegie company. 

" This is the kind of assistance we need," 
exclaimed one of the orators of the meeting-. " We 
propose to fight our battles on legitimate lines. 
The Pinkerton episode put us in the wrong light 
before the country. It was never our intention to 
countenance lawlessness, and we shall not begin to 
do so now. The great weapon for us from this 



i S 3 

time on is the boycott. We shall not attack non- 
union men, but argue with them. We know the 
steel company cannot operate their mills without 
us. Let them bring the non-union men along, but 
keep out the Pinkertons ! " 

That the Pinkertons would not be permitted to 
return was evident, and that the Pinkerton system 
was to be wiped out of existence was apparent. 
Congress had just referred to the judiciary commit- 
tee a bill prohibiting the employment of "guards " 
by railroads and other corporations, under penalty 
of heavy fines and application of severe punish- 
ment. The cause of the strikers was looking up, 
and they felt correspondingly elated. 



CHAPTER XX. 



Moments of suspense — Furnaces fired — Reporting for duty — Issuing 
an ultimatum — Inducements to strikers — Preparing for a siege — 
Homes within the walls — Encouragement from many sources — 
Boycotting Carnegie steel — Extending the association — Another 
Pinkerton victim — A pathetic story — Sympathy • meetings- 
Woman's influence — Importing European labor — O'Donnell's 
departure — To arrest the leaders — Warrants issued. 

The days continued to be fraught with interest. 
Among the thousands of wild rumors filling the 
air were many truths, and the strikers were faced 
with conditions that tried men's souls and made 
helpless women mourn. 

On the morning of July 16 the people of Home- 
stead, for the first time since the day the big strike 
was declared on, saw smoke and steam issuing from 
the Carnegie mills. The statement was rife among 
the people that a large number of non-union men 
had gained admittance to the works, but it was 
impossible to verify this report, as the military 
lines had been extended and the works surrounded 
with armed guards but a few feet apart. A promi- 
nent and well informed leader among the men 
explained the smoke from the mills by saying : 



i85 

" The cupolas are filled with dolomite, and are 
lighted to save the burned stone in them. A few 
furnaces are fired also ; this being done to save 
them from dampness. There are no men in the 
works but the regular watchmen and a few fire- 
men. They have never been denied admittance, 
as our people thoroughly understand their business 
there." 

Despite this statement, the fact remains that all 
of the foremen, assistant foremen and all heads of 
departments reported for duty on this day. These 
men were not members of the Amalgamated Asso- 
ciation, and had been merely lookers-on in the 
strike. It was also stated that two thousand 
unskilled laborers among the strikers were pre- 
pared to report at the works on the following 
Monday, with the promise of receiving their old 
positions. This was confirmed by the posting 
of the following circular at all the entrances to the 
mills : 

The Carnegie Steel Company 
(Limited). 

Pittsburg, Pa., July 16, 1892. 

NOTICE. 
Individual applications for employment at the 
Homestead steel works will be received by the 
general superintendent either in person or by letter, 
until 6 P. M., Thursday, July 21, 1892. It is 
our desire to retain in our service all of our old 
employes whose past record is satisfactory, and 
who did not take part in the attempts which have 



1 86 

been made to interfere with our rights to manage 
our business. Such of our old employes as do not 
apply by the time above named will be considered 
as having no desire to re-enter our employment, 
and the positions which they have held will be 
given to other men, and those first applying will 
have the choice of unfilled positions for which 
they are suitable. 

The Carnegie Steel Company (Limited), 
H. C. Frick, Chairman. 

While this circular must be regarded as just 
such an ultimatum as Mr Frick issued when he 
told the men before the strike that June 25 was 
the last day open to them for conference on the 
adjustment of the wage scale, it also contained 
several inducements to the weaker-kneed laborers 
to return to work. Other and more private 
methods were also resorted to, to break into the 
ranks of the strikers. 

Within the works, preparations were made for a 
siege. Cots, blankets, camp utensils and provi- 
sions were stored. Advertisements for bids for 
furnishing materials and building one hundred 
houses within the enclosure were published by 
•the company. These were to protect the non- 
union men, even in their homes. The town was 
gradually filling up with non-union laborers, and 
the intention seemed to be to start the mills in the 
same quiet, resistless way as characterized the dis- 
tributing of military guards about the town and 
works. Grave apprehensions began to be felt that 



187 

affairs were coming to a focus, and to some it 
appeared that it would soon be a choice between 
the Amalgamated Association and employment. 

The leading spirits among the laborers were not 
visibly cast down, however, and they seemed more 
than ever convined that the serious part of the 
fight had but just begun. The strike in the 
Lawrenceville mills and the refusal of carpenters 
to work on buildings where Carnegie steel was 
used, kept their spirits up. Help of this nature 
was all they asked, and the boycott seemed about 
to prove their most effective weapon. It was 
resolved to offer no harm to non-union men, but to 
trust to moral suasion, entirely, to prevent the mills 
from being started. 

Mr Lovejoy, secretary of the company, stated 
with the greatest confidence that the mills would be 
running by July 23, with enough men to run them 
satisfactorily. 

Sunday found an eager and curious crowd of 
visitors in Homestead, trying to see the partici- 
pants in the great battle and endeavoring to gain 
entrance to the mills, which were more closely 
guarded than ever. There was little to be 
seen that would feed the morbid side of human 
nature. It was only in the hearts of the quiet 
looking men and women, found at every turn, 
that the tragedy was written, and they did not 
carry their hearts on their sleeves, for the idle, 
careless, chattering throng of human daws to 
peck at. 



1 88 

George H. Rutter, who had lain a patient and 
cheerful sufferer in the Homeopathic Hospital, 
died on the morning of this day, eleven days after 
the Pinkerton bullet entered his thigh. The news 
of his death, although expected, added to the 
gloomy situation. And the news that William 
Fay, the Salvation Army color-bearer, who had a 
Pinkerton bullet in his chest, was rapidly sinking, 
did not tend to create a more cheerful feeling, nor 
aid to dispel the bitter enmity felt towards the band 
of hired assassins who were held responsible by the 
mourners in the once happy homes. 

To cheer the locked-out men came the news of a 
meeting of sympathy, held by the machinists and 
laborers in the Opera House. The sentiment was 
unanimous and these resolutions were adopted : 

We, the employes of the mechanical department 
and day laborers of the Carnegie steel works of 
Homestead, in meeting assembled, do offer the fol- 
lowing as our view in regard to the labor troubles 
existing at present : 

Resolved, That we are in sympathy with the 
Amalgamated Association and are willing to 
remain with them to the end. 

Resolved, That we consider it an injustice to the 
mechanical department and day laborers and an 
insult to their manhood to ask them to work under 
guard, believing that in this land of the free all 
things should be free. 

A rally of about six hundred men was also held 
in the open air at Duquesne Grove. A number of 



1 89 

stirring speeches were made and resolutions of 
sympathy with the strikers were passed. Many 
of those present handed in their names to Mi- 
Carney, Vice-President of the Amalgamated Asso- 
ciation, as desirous of becoming members of the 
order. 

A general sentiment prevailed that a peaceful 
solution of the difficulty would be reached. The 
loss of life that attended the one fierce struggle 
for ascendancy had filled the honest and industrious 
Homesteaders with horror and they preferred to 
surrender their rights rather than prevail at such a 
fearful cost. This feeling was in a large measure 
due to the women of the little city, who proved 
themselves more redoubtable in the eyes of the 
strikers than the militia, for when the overpowering 
forces began to gather about the devoted band of 
fathers and brothers, husbands and lovers, the 
Homestead women began to assert themselves. 
Their finer instincts foresaw the only possible end 
of an uprising, and they strove to avert further 
violence and bloodshed. 

Women seldom make good patriots when patriot- 
ism involves the sacrifice of those they love, and 
that stern Roman mother's injunction to her sons, 
going into battle, to return " with their shields or 
on them," finds but few prototypes either in the 
past or present. Ever zealous to protect the honor 
of those they love, the women of Homestead were 
the first to see that a change of base was the 
strikers' only salvation. With the advent of the 



190 

blue-coated soldiery they concluded that there had 
been enough of unequal fighting. 

While this feeling was widespread, the strikers 
met with much to encourage them to maintain 
their position, as well as to keep alive their 
memory of the awful outcome of their resistance 
against the assertion of authority that they knew to 
be unjust and felt to be uncalled for and unreason- 
able. Were they inclined to forget, the sad picture 
of Kate Regan trudging over every day from Swiss- 
vale in search of her missing husband, would have 
served to keep their resentment alive as to the 
means employed to subdue them. Poor Regan, 
who was a striker, was in a row boat when the 
Little Bill, with its load of Pinkertons, steamed up. 
Before he could reach the shore the firing began, 
and when the smoke cleared away the boat was 
seen drifting idly down the stream, empty. His 
friends thought he was either shot or jumped over- 
board to escape the bullets, and that it was hardly 
possible that he escaped alive. His faithful wife, 
however, believed that he still lived, and that some 
day he would be waiting for her when she called at 
the Amalgamated Association headquarters. 

At this period, a fear prevailed among the work- 
men that European laborers would be brought over 
to take the place of the locked-out men. This 
rumor created a feeling of uneasiness. The men 
felt that foreigners would not appreciate and sym- 
pathize with the principle involved as would 
Americans and those who had been in this country 



I 9 I 

long enough to understand that the strike was in 
the interests of labor, and that the Amalgamated 
Association was formed with that end in view. 
Monday was anxiously awaited ; for, while the mill 
owners asserted that skilled mill workers were 
"plentiful, the men felt equally assured that skilled 
laborers were not only not available in large num- 
bers but that they were all, heart and soul, with the 
strikers. 

Late in the evening a mild sensation was caused 
by the sudden and mysterious departure of Hugh 
CTDonnell for the East. No one seemed aware of 
the purpose of this trip, but it was generally under- 
stood that the mission was an important one, and 
one having bearing on the Homestead situation. 
This, with the knowledge that warrants had been 
issued for the arrest of McLuckie, O'Donnell, 
Critchlow, Flaherty, Burkett, Flannigan and Ross, 
kept alive an undercurrent of excitement in the 
apparently quiet little town, that to the visitor had 
but one unusual feature distinguishing it from 
other peaceful towns — the presence of the militia. 

Justice, always blind, had shown herself deaf as 
well, to the appeals of the toilers, and while the 
men whose names were on the warrants were with- 
out fear of the outcome, it was felt that the situa- 
tion became every hour more and more complicated. 



CHAPTER XXI. 



Burgess McLuckie surrenders — Trio of constables — The flower of 
the army — Deplorable history — A common sight — Revenge — 
Mosaic law — Morbid curiosity — Perverse human nature — Arrang- 
ing for new arrests — The law on riot — Secretary Lovejoy's seren- 
ity — Hills and valleys — Millionaires and tramps — Sunshine and 
rain — Perfection and imperfection — Fortitude — Failures — Exalted 
and humble oositions — The battle of life. 



Burgess McIyUckie, in a quiet, unostentatious 
manner, surrendered to the authorities of Allegheny 
County, July 18. He became satisfied from infor- 
mation of a reliable nature that a warrant for his 
arrest had been issued, as well as for the arrest of 
six of his companions, and as he happened to be in 
Pittsburg at the time, he saved Constables Weber, 
Morris and Price the trouble of reading the docu- 
ment which was to place him behind the bars. The 
magnificent display of military force, which was 
again thrust upon the notice of Homesteaders when 
the constables at the head of the flower of the army, 
were seeking for the indicted men, in Burgess 
McLuckie's case, was a grand fizzle. How essential 
two companies of soldiers were to compass so ordi- 
nary an event, has never been fully appreciated by 



4 




Maj. e. a. montooth. 



J 95 

those who understood the situation. It was in a 
line with almost every move made after martial 
law had been illegally inflicted. Cannons were 
loaded and trained so as to sweep the principal 
streets of Homestead. The two companies selected 
as an escort for the constables were given twenty 
rounds of ammunition. Wherefore? Let the 
sworded oracles in blue answer ! Citizens — who in 
the heat of rage, had defended themselves against 
Pinkerton Guards, armed to the teeth, and threats 
of bloodshed uttered with every breath — citizens of 
Homestead must witness the humiliating spectacle 
of a force of soldiery behind three civil officers in 
quest of a half dozen men wanted upon indictments 
that had been found by the same jury which subse- 
quently indicted the leaders of an opposing faction ! 
These citizens of an American city had surrendered 
their firearms and offered their services to aid in 
preventing disturbances at that ! They had not 
enough weapons in their possession to start a 
shooting gallery, and yet all the ostentatious exhi- 
bitions of an army coping with, desperate revolu- 
tionists were dramatically introduced when there 
was positively no excuse for it ! It was either 
an instance of cowardice or bombast, and de- 
served a rebuke commensurate with the brutality 
of the occasion ! One plucky, level-headed Pitts- 
burg policeman would have made the arrests with- 
out an atom of difficulty ! 

Even after the departure of the trio of officers, 
(who, by the way, returned to Pittsburg empty- 



196 

handed, because Mclyiickie, O'Donnell, Critchlow, 
Flaherty, Burkett, Flannigan and Ross did not 
happen to be at home), it is said " the military 
authorities feared trouble, and at once began mak- 
ing preparations to prevent an outbreak. An order 
was sent to the cavalry battalion," the reports read, 
" which resulted in that admirable organization 
being on the streets of Homestead within a few 
minutes, and at the same time there was a good 
deal of hustling around the quarters of Battery B. 
The provost guard was also strengthened. From 
division headquarters General Snowden watched 
through a field-glass the movements of the posse, 
and had there been the slightest disturbance two 
regiments would have been thrown into the town 
almost instantly. " This is history, but it is deplor- 
able history ! 

Strange as it appeared to the man on Shanty 
Hill who " watched through the field-glass the 
movements of the posse, " there was no trouble. 
Not one person in a thousand knew why that 
infantry detachment was marching up and down 
the streets — the sight had become so common. The 
cavalry battalion was supposed to be exercising its 
horses, and no one, not in the secret, imagined there 
was the least significance in the preparations made 
by the artillery. The profound secret leaked out, 
however, and then the Homesteaders cried for 
" Revenge ! " But it was not the sort of revenge 
that breathlessly had been anticipated on Shanty 
Hill. It was the revenge that modern law could 



i 9 7 

and would afford, and the strikers demanded the 
fulfillment of the old Mosaic law, " An eye for an 
eye and a tooth for a tooth." The Advisory Com- 
mittee held a meeting at which the subject was 
discussed at great length and with savage determi- 
nation. The results of that meeting appeared 
later on. 

The operation of legal machinery from this time 
was observed with strict attention by all parties. 
The office of Alderman McMasters, in Pittsburg, at 
an early hour of the morning following the surren- 
der of Burgess McLuckie, was besieged by a large 
crowd whose morbid desire to see the men in the 
grasp of the law was uncontrollable. They had seen 
these men, probably, scores of times, but they were 
then ordinary, free citizens. As prisoners they would 
have a halo of interest around and about them that 
would convert them into most attractive subjects 
for inspection. The lines of the human face that 
yesterday were known to be marks of anxiety, 
to-day would be recognized as evidences of guilt. 
This is perverse human nature. These people 
waited for hours to see Hugh O'Donnell and his 
friends march boldly into the presence of the magis- 
trate and surrender themselves ; or, what would 
have conformed more to their notions of legal 
etiquette, they waited in vain for the officers of the 
law to appear with the prisoners whose arrests 
might have been accomplished " with risk of per- 
sonal injury and with much skill and ingenuity." 
The hearing of the question of bail for Burgess 



198 

McLuckie, in the meantime, had been deferred 
until the following day by Judge Magee, and thus 
more . curiosity seekers were disappointed. 

Mr Brennen, counsel of the strikers, said he 
doubted if the informations against Frick, Lovejoy, 
the Pinkertons and one or two others would be 
prepared upon that day, as the papers would have 
to be drawn with great care. These prosecutions 
had been decided upon at the meeting of the Ad- 
visory Committee the preceding night, and the 
matter of securing competent bondsmen for the 
release of the strikers, when arrested, was also dis- 
cussed. The object was, if the decisions of the 
courts were favorable, to prevent the inconvenience 
of the men lying in jail. Mr Brennen and his 
associates burner! the midnight oil without stint in 
their .efforts to familiarize themselves with the 
State laws relative to riot. 

Secretary Lovejoy, who seemed to be the only 
one of the steel company inclined to yield to the 
importunities of reporters, said : 

" We have no fears of any arrests or informa- 
tions, and do not believe the strikers can be so ill 
advised as to take this step. They were the tres- 
passers and aggressors, and are in no position to 
charge any crime on the company or its agents. 
It is, of course, possible that we or some of us may 
be arrested." 

This serene confidence was not shared to any 
alarming extent by the public, who not only recog- 
nized the possibility but foresaw the probability 



i 9 9 

of arrests in the steel company's family circle of 
officials. Mr Lovejoy's failure to admit the propo- 
sition that where there is a valley there must be two 
hills, was consistent with his position throughout. 
He viewed the whole affair from the standpoint of 
the employer, and convinced himself that the only 
mistakes so far made could be balanced to the 
credit of the men at Homestead. Mr Lovejoy is 
one of those unfortunate individuals who fail to 
keep in touch with the people. He is not the kind 
of a philosopher who will confess that the world 
can no more have millionaires without tramps than 
it can have rain without sunshine. He has yet to 
learn that he who becomes perfect in his own esti- 
mation is in reality most imperfect ; or, having 
learned it, he must attain the virtue of confessing it. 
If he possesses not the knowledge, that is his mis- 
fortune. If he has it, he errs grievously in refusing 
to display that fortitude so essential to fair-minded 
and manly action. He may possess some business 
qualifications, but he would make a wretched 
failure on the judicial tripod, and everything being 
equal, his career as a great general would be neither 
brilliant nor of long duration, for he would fail to 
accord to the general of opposing forces the credit 
that one shrewd commander gives another. There 
are many men in this world whose struggles for 
existence would make sad material for history if 
they were suddenly relieved of the powers and 
emoluments they now enjoy. They would find the 
battle of life so strange and new and incompre- 



200 

hensible that their success might be summed up 
in that diametrical term — utter failure. They 
would discover that the methods suitable for ex- 
alted positions would operate disastrously if ap- 
plied to humbler ones. 



CHAPTER XXII. 



Staunch and true — Unresponsible — Detectives again — Blood suckers 
— Perfect organization — The noon hour whistle — Smoke and 
steam — A curtailed force — The Governor and staff — Amalgamat- 
ing at Duquesne — An olive branch — Chairman Frick's refusal — 
What other men would have done — More informations — The 
militia a fixture — McLuckie's bail — An ovation — CTDonnell's 
mission — Men in the mills — Wage scale conference — Strikers in 
jail — Missing laborers — Crushing out anarchism — The Governor's 
refusal . 



There was not a break in the ranks when the 
mills were thrown open Monday morning in 
response to the steel company's invitations to the 
men to return to their former posts. Perhaps 
Chairman Frick did not expect there would be a 
break. If so, he was not disappointed. The Pitts- 
burg wing of the Amalgamated Association also 
proved impregnable, while the Beaver Falls men 
emulated the examples of their brethren at both 
places. Duquesne workers were quietly but firmly 
approaching the point of crystalizing into an asso- 
ciation, but they feared the visitations of displeasure 
from the steel company, and consequently kept 
their movements under cover. There was a fine 



202 

prospect of concerted action all along the line, and 
every hour carried with it a ray of hope. Sunday's 
meeting at Homestead had been prolific of great 
good, for 1,500 men stood up and resolved not to go 
back to their old jobs — nor new ones-r-until their 
return recorded a victory for the association to 
which they had so far proved loyal. 

Smoke and steam issued from some of the 
stacks all day Monday, and Tuesday black volumes 
of smoke poured from a score of the big chimneys. 
At the noon hour steam whistles sent their shrill 
notes into every corner of the town — and, into the 
heart of every man, woman and child there was a 
little pain that grew and expanded as the shrill 
notes lengthened out and continued for some 
moments. The whistles were being blown, doubt- 
less, for this very purpose, as there was no practical 
occasion for the noise. The small force on the 
inside could have been notified with a tin whistle . 
that it was time to satisfy the inner man. 

Seventeen guns were fired a short time there- 
after in honor of Governor Pattison and staff, whose 
visit had been anticipated for several days. The 
Governor reviewed the troops, listened respectfully 
to the Advisory Committee who asked him to 
withdraw the, militia, quietly notified them that 
the request could not and would not be granted, 
visited the officers in their tents, remained a few 
days in one of the steel company's cottages, received 
all visitors courteously, expressed his satisfaction 
of the situation, and then went back to Harrisburg. 



203 

General Snowden soon after announced that the 
soldiers would be kept in camp until either the 
steel company or the strikers gave in. Homestead 
people, in their interposition, said they did not 
object to the militia on general principles, but that 
their presence would admit of no missionary work 
among the new or non-union workmen. While 
discussing these points, Vice President Carney, of 
the Amalgamated Association, reiterated a state- 
ment he had made to the Duquesne workmen, viz : 

" If Chairman Frick had seen fit to compromise 
on the basis we offered, there would have been no 
trouble. We proposed to substitute June 30 for 
December 31 as the day of expiration of the agree- 
ment, but the steel company would not listen to us. 
We would have gone to work even at a decided 
reduction in wages. This is the key-note to all the 
difficulty, and now, upon this date, Secretary Love- 
joy notifies us that he has filed fifteen more informa- 
tions. If you do not call it rough treatment all 
the way through I should like another definition 
for it." 

If these statements are true, there are thousands 
of disinterested people who will say that no criti- 
cism of Mr Frick can be too severe ; for, had he 
waived the point, the sad circumstances rehearsed 
in these pages never would have been written. It 
is right and proper for a man to establish a policy 
and pursue it, when that policy does not jeopardize 
human life ; but when a reasonable concession can 
be made without wounding a man's vanity or ma- 



204 

terially affecting his interests, it is just that he 
should meet the opposition part way. There is no 
denying that nothing succeeds like success, and 
no one will dispute the fact that Mr Frick fought 
openly and above board, but there are men who 
would have handled the Homestead matter in a 
far different manner. They would have avoided 
the conflict and left a better feeling prevailing be- 
tween the employers and employees. Perhaps they 
would not have crushed organized labor so effect- 
ually, but they would have prevented the clash that 
came. They would have been more politic, but 
the inhabitants of this nation would not have 
learned how the laws make it possible for a corpor- 
ation to employ means of carrying a point against 
the masses. Taking this view of the situation, 
it may be that Chairman Frick ? s unyielding 
nature has proven, or will prove, of inestima- 
ble value to our country. In time legislation 
will be so shaped as to modify the powers of 
corporations and give to the masses the influence 
to which they are entitled. Legislation must be 
effected to change the situation so that money may 
not continue to be the feudal power, and the 
strongest man continue to be the one who can 
make the most money. Great riches are conducive 
to great poverty, and poverty causes more evil than 
anything else. Comfortable circumstances will 
nourish the virtues, and comfortable circumstances 
among the people cannot exist where a few men 
make and hord the vast fortunes. 



205 

It is no wonder that the intelligent vice presi- 
dent of the Amalgamated Association denounced 
the treatment as being rough, and that he should 
have bitter words to utter. 

Happier thoughts were to prevail. Judge Magee 
had fixed Burgess McLuckie's bail at $10,000 and 
had stated that the prisoner could not be held on a 
higher charge than murder in the second degree. 
Captain Oliver C. Coon and Owen Murphy had 
at om:e qualified as competent bondsmen and 
thereby secured his release. " He is coming back 
to Homestead this afternoon," was the joyful 
news, and the citizens immediately arranged 
for a popular demonstration. These arrange- 
ments were almost prevented by General Snowden, 
when a better and more humane sentiment struck 
him, and he " permitted " McL,uckie's friends 
to carry out their program. Right royally 
did they convey to their chief municipal official 
their feelings. They met him at the depot, 
twenty-five hundred strong, marched triumph- 
antly with him to the rink, and there testified 
their good will by extending an enthusiastic 
ovation. 

At Pittsburg there was a different program 
being carried out. Hugh O'Donnell and Hugh 
Ross had appeared before Judge Magee and asked 
to be considered his prisoners. 

11 1 can't, receive you in that way," said the 
Judge. " Your lawyers will instruct you what 
steps to take in order to surrender." 



206 

"We come to you," said O'Donnell, "because 
we are novices in legal matters ; and, besides, we 
want to be disposed of without further delay." 

"Goto Alderman McMasters," replied the Court, 
" or some other person qualified to receive you. In 
the course of time you may be brought into this 
court, when I shall dispose of your cases in the 
regular manner." 

Was there ever another instance of two men, 
against whom warrants for murder had been issued, 
and these warrants in the possession of constables 
ready to serve them, begging a court to arrest 
them, and that court refusing to do so ? 

O'Donnell and Ross, following Judge Magee's 
advice, sauntered leisurely to Alderman McMasters' 
office, where they surrendered, and were subse- 
quently placed in jail. On their way from 
Judge Magee's court to the alderman's office, they 
passed one of the constables whose ambition for 
some time had been to take charge of the two 
leaders, but the parties, never having passed 
through the polite form of being introduced, did 
not recognize each other, and the officer was the 
loser by considerable. Let us leave the young 
men in their stony compartments, while we take a 
view of some of the transactions on Smithfield 
wharf. 

There was the steamer, the Tide, which lazily 
puffed away while a gang of laborers hurriedly 
loaded about four hundred cots. There were also 
nearly one hundred men, whose uneasy and furtive 



207 

glances indicated that they were about to go 
aboard the little boat for some secret purpose. 
Everything was read}' shortly, and Captain Rodgers, 
of Little Bill fame, gave the order to steam up, 
and away went the bark for Homestead. This 
was probably the first decisive move towards 
resumption by the steel company. True, the fur- 
naces had been fired, but that work required no 
particular skill or intelligence, and it had therefore 
been accomplished by about twenty-five or thirty 
non-union men and probably forty or fifty clerks, 
protected by as many soldiers. 

The strikers, or some of them, were still so com- 
bative and excitable as to injure their cause by 
interfering w r ith non-union men. A constable had 
arrested Frank Tracy charging him with larceny, 
and w r as taking with him as witnesses to iVlderman 
Oeffher's court, four of the new men who had been 
at wx>rk in the mills several days. About 2,500 
strikers followed the witnesses and blockaded the 
street in front of the court room. So demonstra- 
tive did they become that Major Crawford ordered 
out a small band of troops to dispel the crow r d. 
Reinforcements of other troops and deputy sheriffs 
w 7 ere needed before orders could be enforced, and 
it was only after the local police appeared that the 
crow r d would consent to disperse. This demonstra- 
tion indicated the hatred that existed for the 
non-union men, and doubtless had an influence in 
the decision of the powers that were, to retain the 
troops longer than had been intended. 



208 

It may be that the strikers had been frozen by 
circumstances, and that they had begun to feel 
nothing but the pinch, and could think of nothing 
but rebellion. Let men and women thus afflicted, 
for it was an affliction, have a little sunshine and 
become thawed, foster them a trifle, and they will 
reveal themselves in a manner not to be despised. 

Arrests of the chief characters among the strikers 
commenced to be of frequent occurrence, and the 
families of these men could only look from their 
windows and see the hills standing as companions 
to them in that sweet fellowship which big mounds 
of earth extend toward the lonely. Their hus- 
bands and fathers were falling into the clutches of 
the law's representatives, and were being taken 
before magistrates, there to have monstrous charges 
preferred against them. Jack Clifford became a 
victim, but was soon set at liberty, after furnishing 
$10,000 security. He was subsequently arrested 
again and refused bail by one of the courts. 
Critchlow received a like , fate. O'Donnell was 
soon to follow. 



CHAPTER XXIII. 



Attempted assassination of H. C. Frick — The would-be murderer of 
the Carnegie chairman a Russian Jew — He is an anarchist of the 
worst type — His efforts with gun and dagger prove unsuccessful 
— The intelligence of his dastardly attempt spreads to Homestead 
— Resolutions of condolence — Probing for bullets — The victim's 
recovery — Removed to Homewood — Preparations for suicide — 
Dynamite cartridges — Incendiary literature. 

On Saturday, the twenty-third day of July, the 
whole civilized world was shocked to receive the 
intelligence that Henry Clay Frick, Chairman of 
the Carnegie Steel Company, had been shot down 
in his private office on Fifth avenue, Pittsburg, by 
a Russian anarchist of Semitic extraction. Until 
the details of the most cowardly assault had become 
known it was generally supposed that the deed was 
the work of some one of his ex-employes. But the 
would-be murderer was in no way connected with 
the Amalgamated Association of Iron and Steel 
Workers, nor w r as he in any way related to that or 
any other body of organized laboring men. He' 
was one of a small but deadly class of social enemies 
and outcasts known as anarchists, at whom the 
State has already aimed several effective blows. 



2IO 

The record of the assassin and his confreres, 
showed that none of them was accustomed to earn- 
ing an honest living. The anarchists of America 
form, fortunately for our social structure, a very 
small circle. Their chief occupation is to incite 
the hard working classes against the capitalists 
and the government, both of which they urge are 
iniquitous in their very existence. 

From this undesirable tribe came the youth who 
called himself Alexander Berkmann. His ante- 
cedents proved that in New York he had been 
known under other names, but he was tried and 
convicted under the title mentioned, which will 
serve as well as any other for the purposes of this 
history. The felonious attempt was made at about 
half past one o'clock in the afternoon, just after the 
chairman had returned from his luncheon. Berk- 
mann had called at the general offices of the 
Carnegie company on two previous occasions, ask- 
ing to see Mr Frick on the pretense that he was 
engaged in the employment office business and had 
men whom he wished the concern to hire. 

Learning that Mr Frick was in his office, he 
forced an entrance, and advanced upon the chair- 
man as the latter sat working at his desk. Vice 
President Irishman was in the private office of Mr 
Frick at the time, but before either gentleman was 
aware of the presence of the anarchist, Berkmann 
drew his revolver and fired point blank at the 
chairman. The first -cartridge failed to explode, 
but the second attempt was more successful, the 








vi 



Jt. 



HUGH ROSS. 



213 

ball entering the muscles of the back of the neck, 
and passing around it, lodged under the left ear. 
Mr Leishman at once ran to Mr Frick's rescue, but 
not before the would-be assassin fired again, the 
second missile penetrating near the first, but deflect- 
ing down and out under the armpit. By this time 
Mr Leishman succeeded in grasping the right arm 
of Berkmann. Then ensued a terrific struggle for 
the possession of the firearm, in which a third shot 
was fired, the ball finding lodgment in the ceiling. 

Not to be foiled, the bloodthirsty villain drew a 
large knife, throwing himself upon the wounded 
man with herculean force. Mr Frick, who had 
stood the effect of the two bullets with remarkable 
nerve and fortitude, grapled with the intruder, but 
was stabbed twice before help could be summoned. 
One thrust produced an ugly gaping gash in the 
right hip, the second taking effect a few inches 
higher. A few other scratches were the result of 
the struggle which the chairman waged against 
such fearful odds. 

The whole affair occupied a space of not more 
than sixty seconds, but occurring as it did in the 
sight of hundreds of passers-by on Fifth avenue, 
took but an instant to attract a huge throng. 
•Several clerks rushed in, as did also a deputy sheriff 
who happened to be in the building at the time. 
Berkmann had been throttled and thrown to the 
floor by those who had come to the assistance of 
Mr Frick, and some one held a revolver at the 
temple of the prostrate anarchist. Mr Frick, who 



214 

was weak from excitement and loss of blood, com- 
manded that no harm be done his assailant, and an 
instant later two policemen rushed in, taking the 
scoundrel prisoner. 

He presented a ghastly, terrible sight. He was 
short of stature, perhaps five feet seven inches in 
height, compactly built, and had been neatly 
dressed in a suit of light gray clothing. His face 
twitched, and as the officers rushed him through 
the excited throng to the patrol wagon his breath 
came in short gasps. His light clothes were all 
besmeared with Mr Frick's blood, his necktie had 
been torn from his collar, and altogether he 
presented a desperate spectacle. The immense 
throng that had congregated in almost the twink- 
ling of an eye demanded that the man be lynched. 
But the patrolmen hustled him into the patrol 
wagon, and in a trice the miscreant was whirled 
away to the Central police station. 

He soon calmed down in confinement, and upon 
being questioned stated that he had committed the 
attempt on Mr Frick's life because the latter " was 
an enemy of the people." He said he was twenty- 
five years old, was born in Russia, but had 
lived in the United States five years. He gave his 
trade as that of a printer, and claimed to have 
worked on Herr Most's anarchistic sheet in New 
York. He evaded several direct questions concern- 
ing his mission in Pittsburg, but frankly stated that 
he had come to that city for the purpose of killing 
Mr Frick, asserting that he had no accomplices. A 



I 215 

search of his clothing revealed the presence of 
several detonating dynamite cartridges and some 
incendiary literature. One of the cartridges Berk- 
inann had concealed in his mouth, as with the intent 
of committing suicide, but this was generally inter- 
preted as a u bluff. " 

The news of his villainous attempt spread like 
wildfire, and the street in front of the Carnegie 
offices for two blocks w 7 as fairly jammed with 
humanity. The doctors who had been summoned 
to attend the chairman bound up the knife wounds, 
and probed for the bullet under his ear, but with- 
out success. However, a bulletin was issued stating 
that the chairman would recover, his wounds 
being not necessarily fatal. About four o'clock an 
ambulance was summoned, and the street having 
been cleared with great difficulty, the wounded 
chairman was removed to his residence in Home- 
wood, a suburb of Pittsburg. Later in the evening 
it was officially announced that the life of the 
chairman would be saved, his strong constitution 
withstanding the severe attack. 

Expressions of sympathy for the stricken official 
were commonly uttered in Homestead, and at a 
meeting of the Advisory Committee that evening 
the following was passed by an unanimous vote : 



Whereas, We deplore the act of the individual 
not connected with our trouble or association, 
therefore, be it 



2l6 

Resolved, That we condemn the unlawful act 
of the wounding of Henry Clay Frick and tender 
our sympathy hereby, and further 

Resolved, That we spread a copy of this resolu- 
tion upon our minutes and give a copy to the press. 



Harry Bauer was arrested as a suspected accom- 
plice of Berkmann, making the fourth person 
taken into custody on the charge of complicity in 
the attempt to " remove " Mr Frick. A strong 
chain of circumstantial evidence was woven about 
this man, who made some damaging admissions, 
although he denied being party to the crime 
charged. It was claimed that Berkmann was not 
alone, but that a man answering to the description 
of Bauer was seen to hand him a package, pre- 
sumably containing either the weapon or cartridges 
used in the attempted assassination and suicide. 
Bauer was known to have been a distributor of 
anarchistic literature, as well as a speaker of some 
note. He is remembered in Pittsburg as being the 
man who, at an anarchist meeting some three or 
four years ago, denounced the government and 
called the stars and stripes the American dish-rag. 
This roused the ire of an old soldier in the 
audience, the meeting broke up in a general row, 
and Bauer, with his fellow rioters, was arrested 
and fined. 

In Bauer's room on Spring Garden avenue, 
Allegheny, at the home of Shoemaker Marens, a 
number of seditious pamphlets and books, together 



2IJ 

with a small arsenal in the way of firearms, was 
found. No incriminating letters were found, and 
it was believed these had been systematically 
destroyed. Bauer was remarkably cool and self- 
contained, and talked very little. Paul Eckert, 
with whom Bauer stopped on his first arrival in 
the city, said Berkmann, Knold and he had talked 
of the strike, but denied all knowledge of a plot. 
Karl Knold, living in the same house where Bauer 
roomed, was also arrested, and joined in the general 
denial of all knowledge of the crime. 

F. Mollick, known to be an intimate friend and 
associate of Berkmann, was, on a telegram, arrested 
at Long Branch, and preparation made to bring 
him to Pittsburg. He acknowledged his friendship 
for Berkmann, and said he had sent him money, 
which is in accordance with the customs of all 
anarchists, but said he knew nothing of Berk- 
mann's intentions, and was in no way concerned in 
any of his plots. 

Secretary Lovejoy made six informations against 
Berkmann, "three charging felonious assault — two 
on Mr Frick and one on Mr Leishman — and three 
charging entering the building for the purpose of 
committing assault. Bail was fixed at $14,000. 
It is needless to add that gentleman went to jail. 



CHAPTER XXIV. 



News of attempted assassination in camp — A fatal exclamation — In 
the guard house — Stern military discipline — Suspended by the 
thumbs — Cheap clothes — Five cent hat — Complete degradation — 
A bifurcated garment — A piteous spectacle — Explaining the sen- 
tence — The " rogue's march" — lams at home — In civilian's 
clothing — Relating his story — Return to camp — A hostile colonel 
— Carrying a log. 



When the intelligence of the attempt on the life 
of Mr Frick reached the camp of the National 
Guard, every soldier was eager to hear the news in 
detail. The mere fact of the shooting was men- 
tioned in the provisional brigade at Swissvale, it 
being announced unofficially at about three o'clock, 
just as one of the regiments was ordered out for 
inspection. As word was passed from tent to tent, 
" Frick was shot this afternoon," Private W. L. 
lams, of Company K, Tenth Regiment, exclaimed : 
" Hurrah for the man who shot him ! " 
The remark was made in the hearing of Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel Streator, but it was regularly 
reported to him a few moments after its utterance. 
As soon as Company K had been drawn up in line, 
Colonel Streator commanded the author of the 



219 

incendiary exclamation to step two paces to the 
front. Without hesitancy, lams boldly stepped 
out of line. 

When asked why he had made the remark, he 
replied defiantly : 

" I did it because I hate Frick ! " 

The commanding officer then ordered lams 
placed in the guard house. lams further explained 
that he disliked Mr Frick because the latter had 
been the cause of the militia being ordered out, 
not only at the present time, but during the coke 
riots at Morewood. 

After the indiscreet youth had been placed under 
guard, Colonel Streator, General Hawkins, Captain 
Pomley of Company K, and Captain Brown, held 
a hurried consultation on his case. After a brief 
trial, they decided to punish him by hanging him 
up by the thumbs.* 

Accordingly, every preparation was made to 
mete out stern military discipline to the self-con- 
fessed culprit. He was made to stand on a box, 
his thumbs were fastened securely to a cross-bar 
made from a tent pole erected for the express 
purpose ; then the box was removed, so that the 
lad's toes just touched the ground. It was now 
about five o'clock, but the sun was frightfully hot, 
making the ordeal rigorous in the extreme. The 

*There seems to be a difference of opinion as to who was respon- 
sible for the punishment of lams. From the best authority, the 
above statement is obtained. Probably an absolutely correct version 
will never be known. 




w. 

N 

5 
o 

o 

< 



c/) 
I/) 

D 
UJ 



an) I'll iwi 
1 £-V 



221 

punishment was not public, even the soldiers being 
denied sight of the culprit as he was suspended, 
all but in mid air. The only witnesses were the 
officers of the regiment, and the surgeons. Sur- 
geon Neff tested Iams ? pulse, while his assistants 
watched the heart action. 

lams suffered terrible torture. His Spartan 
fortitude, however, never forsook him, and he 
carefully concealed all evidences of the physical 
pain he certainly had to bear. For twenty-eight 
minutes he stood the punishment without a mur- 
mur, refusing to recant or apologize. At the 
expiration of that time his heart action grew so 
weak that the surgeons decided that further inflic- 
tion would be dangerous, and the order was given 
to cut him down. 

He fainted almost immediately when he experi- 
enced relief from the fearful strain, but restoratives 
were applied, with rapidly favorable effect. He 
was retaken to the guard house, given food and 
stimulants, -and kept in confinement all night. 

The case was at once reported to General Snow- 
den, the offense and punishment being outlined in 
detail. The senior commander read the report to 
his staff, who had been assembled to act on the 
subject. After a short consultation, Colonel 
Streator's course was most heartily approved, and 
without a dissenting voice. General Snowden 
therefore returned the report, endorsed with his 
unqualified approval, with instructions added that 
lams be further punished by being w discharged in 



222 

disgrace, drummed out of camp, and sent home." 
The order read : 

" His crime is that of treason. His conduct was 
that of aiding, abetting, and giving comfort to our 
enemy. The entire provisional brigade will report 
to General Hawkins, commanding, and will assist 
in escorting the dishonorably discharged soldier 
out of the camp.'" ' 

General Snowden further intimated in his 
instructions that it would be well to follow certain 
usages, expelling lams with impressive ceremony. 

Preparations were accordingly made to carry out 
this order in detail. The acting brigade quarter- 
master was ordered to go to Braddock and purchase 
the cheapest and meanest suit of clothing possible. 
For the sum of one dollar he secured a blue drilling 
jumper or tunic, with overalls of the same material. 
A flimsy straw hat, which was to complete the 
suit, required an outlay of five cents. The officer 
returned to camp at about midnight, exhibiting 
his purchases, which were approved. 

Early on Sunday morning, as fair a day as ever 
dawned, young lams was brought out of the guard 
house, that his degradation might be completed. 
His brass buttons were first stripped from his uni- 
form, a mark of military disgrace. Then the 
uniform itself was taken from him, and the cheap 
suit substituted. It seemed to have been purchased 
for a much smaller man. The disgraced militia- 
man was fully six feet tall, but the uniform of 
humiliation would have but scantily covered the 



223 

shortest man in the regiment. The trousers were 
twelve inches too short, while the blouse only 
came within four inches of the waistband of the 
bifurcated garment below. 

Attired in this grotesque garb, the prisoner was 
led to the company barber, where half his hair and 
beard were shaved off, the entire right side of his 
head being left smooth as the proverbial billiard 
ball. A more piteous spectacle of disgrace could 
not have been imagined. 

At ten o'clock the brigade was assembled, the 
three regimental bands playing doleful music. 
The soldiers were drawn up in a solid column, the 
Fourteenth Regiment on the right, the Fourth 
ranging next, the Tenth and Battery C being on 
the extreme left. The camp was then cleared of 
all visitors, no person being allowed to cross the 
lines of sentinels. The 1,600 soldiers were brought 
to attention, awaiting the impressive event which 
was to culminate the mortification of their erst- 
while comrade in arms. Colonel Streator then 
rode to the guard house^ and in the presence of the 
prisoner commanded twenty guards to load their 
rifles, and shoot down the prisoner, should he 
attempt to escape. 

lams was then marched to the center of the 
brigade column. Here Adjutant Hays read a report 
of the crime, its* first punishment, Snowden's 
approval, and the further sentence of the major- 
general. In impressive tones he explained what 
the sentence implied in detail. It meant disfran- 



224 

chisement for the unfortunate prisoner of war ; 
prohibiting him from holding office of emolument 
or trust in the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania ; in 
short, depriving him of all the rights of a citizen 
of the United States. 

The brigade was now formed in a hollow square, 
in the center of which the guarded prisoner was 
placed. Then, with the bands playing the Rogues' 
March, the entire provisional brigade, General 
Hawkins commanding, marched to Swissvale sta- 
tion. The prisoner, drummed out of camp in dis- 
grace, was then allowed to board a passing freight 
train which carried him to Pittsburg. 

lams went forthwith to his home in Pittsburg 
and procured civilian's clothing, which he at once 
substituted for the insignia of disgrace given him 
by the colonel of his regiment. He secured the 
services of a barber, had the unshaven half of his 
head made to correspond with the remainder. His 
friends flocked about him, and to them he told the 
story of his treatment, not omitting any of the 
details of his offense. The matter was thoroughly 
ventilated by the newspapers, while it was the one 
subject of comment among the soldier boys at 
Homestead. 

The esprit de corps which is generally supposed 
to prevail in all military bodies was not wanting in 
the National Guard of Pennsylvania, and the action 
of Colonel Streator, fortified as it was by the appro- 
val of General Snowden, met with not even the 
slightest criticism on the part of any of the officers, 



225 

line or staff. The entire story did not become 
thoroughly circulated until Monday, when the 
Pittsburg papers containing detailed accounts of 
lams' offense and its punishment were fairly 
devoured by those in camp. lams had a very few 
sympathizers, and when he indiscreetly returned 
to camp in the afternoon to tell the tale of his 
woes he was avoided by every man who wore a 
National Guard uniform. 

Newspaper men who attempted to get anything 
out of the commissioned officers in camp, strictur- 
ing the discipline, failed utterly, but lams allowed 
himself to be profusely interviewed. He felt his 
disgrace only too keenly, but seemed to display 
great nerve and spirit. His story differed not from 
the account heretofore given, but was further 
enlightened by the assertion that his colonel had 
always been hostile to him. He said that a few 
nights before his punishment he had gone to sleep 
at his post of duty, and been disciplined by having 
to carry a log for twelve hours. He further asserted 
that his messmates had censured the colonel for the 
summary infliction visited on him, (lams) express- 
ing their sympathy in material ways. 

But notwithstanding the general approval with 
which the punishment of lams was sustained in 
Camp Black, the unanimous sentiment of the 
country at large vigorously condemned General 
Snowden and Colonel Streator. The press took it 
up, far and wide, criticising these officers in 
unmeasured terms. Several regular United States 



226 

Army officers joined in the general condemnation, 
pronouncing the discipline as being almost too 
severe for modern times of war, and certainly a 
barbarous usage for times of peace. lams was 
colored as a martyred hero, many attorneys proffer- 
ing their assistance gratis in the civil and criminal 
action which the boy's friends and relatives prom- 
ised to bring against the officers. Several persons 
contributed modest sums of cash to assist in the 
prosecution, and the vigor with which preparations 
to this end were begun promised to make the affair a 
cause celebre. 

However, General Snowden and Colonel Streator 
were unmoved. They simply pronounced lams a 
mutineer who had been punished with wholesome 
justice. They claimed that had his offense been 
condoned the spirit of mutiny would have spread 
with almost incomprehensible celerity, since the 
soldiers were already fretful over their enforced 
stay at Homestead. There is no doubt that the 
lams case had a salutary effect. The discipline of 
Camp Black was always most commendable, but 
after this incident it sprung to a condition of par 
excellence, which was maintained to the very end. 



CHAPTER XXV. 



Mrs O'Donnell visits her husband — Pinkertons in jail — More of 
Secretary Lovejoy's statements — Eviction notices — The Tide's 
three trips — Suspense — A new Amalgamated Association — A 
proclamation — Out on bonds — Desertions — Departure of troops 
— Protecting non-union men — Bluff and steam — Sickness — Foy 
released — Sympathetic cablegram — A tribunal of arbitration — 
Attentive to business. 



O'Donnell, Peter iYllen, Ross and Foy, deprived 
of their liberty, were objects of much sympathy. 
Mrs O'Donnell visited her husband in prison the 
day after he surrendered, upon which occasion 
there was an affecting scene. The presence of a 
dozen Pinkertons who were produced to " identify 
O'Donnell as one of the participants in the riot," 
seemed an unnecessary proceeding in view of the 
fact that the young leader's wife was at that 
moment waiting to be allowed the privilege of 
weeping upon the breast of him she loved so well. 

Secretary Lovejoy's untiring efforts, redoubled 
after Chairman Frick was wounded, were proving 
profitable to the company, as he announced that 
14 300 men were now in the works and more were 
coming." Notice to the strikers that thev must 



228 

vacate the cottages in ten days in order that new 
arrivals could be placed therein, was another blow 
to the cause, almost as hard to bear as the impris- 
onment of O'Donnell, Ross, Allen and Foy. Then, 
the steamer Tide made three trips in one day, 
carrying men and cots and provisions, all finding 
places in the mills. Telegrams from Philadelphia, 
Boston and Chicago furnished conclusive evidence 
that workmen in large squads were being secured 
to take the places of the strikers. 

O'Donnell was taken into court and the prosecu- 
tion made a bitter fight against release on bail. 
Judge Magee, for good reasons as stated, reserved 
his decision till Monday, and this left the prisoners 
in jail over Sunday. No passes of any kind or 
character were recognized at the mills and in cer- 
tain portions of Homestead. The old iron workers 
began to remove from their homes to other quarters. 
The week closed in favor of the steel company. 

But the following week opened in favor of the 
strikers, for Judge Magee fixed the bonds of the 
prisoners at $10,000 each. Matt Weiss, of Pitts- 
burg, and Owen Murphy, of Homestead, were 
accepted as bondsmen for O'Donnell. Hugh Ross 
found a willing friend in Alderman Martin Schaffer, 
of Pittsburg, who secured his release. J. F. Hill 
and David Anderson signed Peter Allen's bond. 
Through some misunderstanding Nathan Foy's 
bondsmen failed to appear and he was remanded 
to the keeping of the jail warden. These 
releases were hailed with delight by a multitude 




W. S ANDERSON. 



I 



231 

of. friends and a great ovation was tendered the 
leaders when they returned to Homestead. 

Vice President Carney, of the Amalgamated Asso- 
ciation, had organized a similar institution at 
Duquesne, and several hundred workers had become 
members. They paid no attention to the sheriff's 
proclamation, either, which was a notification to the 
men not to assemble in large crowds. Quite a num- 
ber of non-union workmen who had been employed 
in the mills had deserted the steel company and 
gone over to the strikers.. So, at the end of two 
weeks, the struggle for ascendency was still 
in doubt. 

The news that the State troops were ordered 
home was received with joy both by the Home- 
steaders and the soldiers — the only cloud over 
their spirits being the order that two regiments 
were to remain indefinitely. As troop after troop 
struck camp and the regiments were borne away, a 
feeling of relief prevailed among the strikers which 
the almost hourly arrival of non-union men could 
not entirely counteract. 

Over one hundred non-union workers arrived 
from the East and disembarked at Swissvale, were 
inarched under the escort of two companies to the 
Little Bill, and lodged within the mill yard. The 
steamer Tide was also busy transporting men to 
the mills. Many of these men claimed that they 
were induced to come to Homestead by false repre- 
sentations, and that, once inside the stockade, they 
were, to all intents and purposes, prisoners. Henry 



232 

Stocher, who claimed 1226 Randall street, Phila- 
delphia, as his residence, was successful in his 
efforts to leave the mill. He said : 

" I was hired in Philadelphia as a bricklayer, in 
company with twenty or thirty others, to come to 
Pittsburg. None of us realized until we were 
within the walls, that our destination was the 
Homestead mills. We were made prisoners in the 
works and guarded like convicts. The more 
ignorant were told by the foreman that if they 
ventured outside, the union men would shoot them 
like dogs. I asked to be allowed to leave, but was 
forbidden. I managed to secure a daily paper, 
and read the account of the strike to the men. 
This came to the ears of the foreman and he 
ordered me to leave, which I was very glad to do. 
The men in the mills are perfectly ignorant of the 
works, and are mostly foreigners, and absolutely 
no headway has been made in operating the ma- 
chinery. The smoke and steam seen by those out- 
side are simply a bluff, as the men are doing 
nothing. At least half of them are sick from 
heat, bad water and poor food, and one man was 
badly injured in the machinery. If the men were 
sure of being well treated, they would leave 
gladly." 

The Amalgamated Association took this man in 
charge, and he was well cared for. 

In the course of time, J. Trautman and Mrs 
Gusky went on Nathan or William Foy's bail for 
$10,000. 



*33 

A meeting of mechanics took place at the head- 
quarters of the A. A. of I. and S. W., and several 
stirring speeches were made. Great enthusiasm 
prevailed, as fifty new men joined the association, 
and resolutions to stand firmly by each other were 
passed. 

The indomitable will which had distinguished 
Mr Frick throughout the strike was still the 
strongest characteristic of this stern man. Al- 
though suffering and greatly weakened by his 
wound, he kept thoroughly posted with all that 
was going on. He spent most of the time closeted 
with his assistants, who visited him constantly, 
and every act they made was under his supervision 
and by his directions. All papers were signed by 
him, as usual, and all the duties contingent upon 
his position were discharged with all the decision 
and energy displayed in his strongest moments. 
Cablegrams of sympathy and good wishes were 
received from Mr Carnegie, who expressed himself 
as desirous of being kept well posted in everything 
bearing on the strike. 

Mr Carnegie had displayed a good deal of skill 
and ingenuity in keeping out of the way of inter- 
viewers, and when, at last, he was located, he 
refused to discuss the situation. In answer to 
pointed questions he said : 

" I have had nothing to do with the business for 
three years, and have the most implicit confidence 
in the managers of the mills. I could not inter- 
fere if I would, and I would not if I could/ 1 



234 

This very terse statement of Mr Carnegie's 
position is supposed to be in keeping with the by- 
laws of the steel company, for, although Mr 
Carnegie is undoubtedly deeply interested in the 
success or failure of the mills, Mr Frick, as mana- 
ger, is invested with absolute and unquestioned 
authority. 

The inquest on the victims of the great battle, 
was held July 26. The testimony of Drs McGeary, 
Sipe and Walker was taken as to the condition of 
the men after the fight, and the cause of their 
deaths. Deputy Sheriff Gray repeated his story 
with but one addition. He said that he warned 
Mr Potter that the Pinkertons would be taken for 
non-union workmen and that they were made to 
don their uniforms on account of this. The only 
sensation made was caused by the testimony of 
Captain Coons and Chas Mansfield, who saw the 
fight from the shore, and corroborated each other 
in the statement that the first shots were fired from 
the barges. The son of George Rutter, who was 
killed, stated that his father, before dying, told him 
that the Pinkertons fired first. The inquest then 
adjourned until the following Tuesday. 



CHAPTER XXVI. 



Riot among non-union men — Peculiar methods — Indignant work- 
men — Climbing the walls — Contradictory statements — A favored 
reporter — Deserted homes — Arbitration refused — Issuing circu- 
lars — Thirty-third street mill started up — Everything quiet — The 
strike at Duquesne — Inside the stockade — Leaving the mills — 
Refusing Carnegie steel — Appeals to the public. 



A riot on a Baltimore & Ohio train among non- 
union workmen who we-re being brought to Home- 
stead, revealed the peculiar methods by which the 
places of strikers were being filled. One of these 
men, Joseph Manning, who left when he found 
Homestead to be his destination, said : 

u There were fifty-six of us hired in Cincinnati 
by F..W. Nye, in answer to an advertisement prom- 
ising easy work and good pay. We were told the 
work was in Pittsburg, but had no idea we were 
intended for the Homestead mills. In the morning 
after boarding the cars we found the doors and 
windows locked and armed guards in charge. 
This roused suspicions which were confirmed by 
the information, in reply to our questions, that 
Homestead was our destination. This created great 



236 



indignation, and we demanded the right to leave 
the train, which was refused. A general row 
ensued. Several men were cut by the bayonets, 
and plenty of black eyes were given. The doors 
were forced open and men began dropping off. 
When we got to the depot only twenty-one men 
were left. I was the twenty-first man, and I got 
away by mixing with the crowd." 

Manning was taken care of by the Amalgamated 
Association and sent home. Hugh Sweeney, 
another workman who also had been misled, 
escaped from the mills by climbing the walls. He 
said there were not more than thirty'or forty men 
working, although there were nearly s.even hundred 
men within the stockade. These were mostly 
Hungarians and knew nothing of the strike. The 
company furnished them with overalls, jumpers 
and caps, gave them plenty tc^eat and smoke, and 
they asked for nothing more. 

It is impossible, however, to get at the true state 
of affairs at this time. Apparently reliable reports 
were of the most contradictory character. Claims 
were made by both sides. Secretary Lovejoy 
averred that the work was of the most satisfactory 
nature, and that he had more applicants for posi- 
tions than he could find, places for. The Amalga- 
mated Association were equally as positive in 
their assertions .that none of the work turned' out 
would stand testing, and that while there were 
doubtless plenty of men ready to work there were 
few, if any, skilled laborers among them. 



237 

Although placards bearing the legend " Xo 
newspaper men allowed inside " had been liberally 
posted, a favored reporter was admitted by Assist- 
ant Chairman Childs, with the promise that he 
would report faithfully what he saw. He stated 
that a large number of men were at work making 
steel and that nearly all machinery was in motion. 

In direct contradiction to this was .the report 
made by Superintendent CVMara, Inspector Mc- 
Kelvey and Captain Brophy, who visited the mills 
to see if more deputies were required. They found 
everything quiet and said there were few signs of 
activity. Beyond the machine shop in the upper 
mill and the forge at the lower plant, everything 
was quiet. 

One of the most distressing features of this long 
light was the moving out of the families from the 
company's houses at Homestead. Xo evictions 
were necessary. The company served notice that 
the cottages would be wanted for the families of 
the new employes, and the old employes proceeded 
at once to find other quarters. 

An attempt was made to have a tribunal of arbi- 
tration appointed by the Circuit Court, with a view 
to settling the Homestead difficulty, as well as any 
other that might arise. The assent of the Carnegie 
Company was required, however, and this they 
refused to give. Two circulars were issued by the 
Amalgamated Association — one in reference to this 
tribunal and the other having in view the exten- 
sion of the power of the members constituting the 



a 3 8 

conference committee of the Amalgamated Associa- 
tion, and giving authority to accept propositions 
looking to a settlement of matters when they 
judged it proper. This latter was put to vote and 
adopted. 

The starting up of the plate mill at Thirty-third 
street created no excitement. Trouble was feared 
by the company, who arranged for an extra num- 
ber of deputies, and these were reinforced by the 
strikers themselves, who offered to guard against 
any riots. 

The strike at Duquesne terminated with the 
unconditional surrender of the men. This occa- 
sioned no surprise, as it had been expected by the 
Homestead men, who were too occupied by their 
own affairs to be cast down by this failure. An 
effort was being made to assure the men on the 
inside of the stockade that only kindness awaited 
them on the outside. They were too closely 
guarded to be reached by ordinary methods, so 
strategy was resorted to. A number of circulars 
in both German and English were prepared, stating 
the situation and promising help to get home and 
to secure other employment. These were thrown 
from the train as it passed over the mill yards on 
the trestle. The company was unprepared for this 
move, and could not prevent the men picking up 
and reading the circular. Guards were stationed 
along the line of the trestle to prevent a repetition 
of this move, but the mischief was already done, 
and men began leaving the mills in large numbers 



239 

This put a brighter face on the future to the work- 
men, as did also the numerous refusals by unions 
all over the country to handle Carnegie steel. 

An accession to the ranks of the strikers was 
made at this critical point that created a general 
feeling of elation. Superintendent Nichols, of the 
Thirty-third street mills, resigned his position and 
joined the locked-out men. He gave, as his reason 
for so doing, that the company had tried to use 
him as a tool to do objectionable work. 

The signing of the Amalgamated scale by the 
Pittsburg iron manufacturers was another hopeful 
sign, as this allowed the association to concentrate 
all its forces to arrange a settlement of the Home- 
stead trouble. 

President Gompers of the American Federation 
of Labor, and a number of other prominent labor 
people, visited Homestead to render all the assist- 
ance that cheering words and hearty co-operation 
could give. An immense mass meeting was held 
and an appeal issued to the American public for 
aid by contributions was sent out. Another circu- 
lar, addressed to all workingmen, was also mailed 
to all parts of the country, requesting them not to 
work upon material shipped from the Carnegie 
Steel Company, and by their refusal, help the 
struggle for organization. 



CHAPTER XXVII. 



Visiting the mills — More arrests — A jangle between the militia and 
trainmen — Torpedoes on the tracks — Musket balls — A striker shot 
— Ross Grove — The bloody Pinkertons — Resolutions of sympa- 
thy — Distributing funds — Legal services from abroad — Big 
claims of the company — A bomb explosion — Moving into the 
houses — Returns to the mills — A soldier killed — Patrols — In the 
toils once more — The first visit — 4t A thing of the past " — Spies 
at work. 



For a long period there were few tilings of 
importance occurring. In quick succession, how- 
ever, the following incidents happened : 

Several strikers entered the works on passes 
issued to them by the company, and emerged to 
say that considerable progress was being made. 

Harry Hickerman, a striker, was arrested on an 
information which charged conspiracy and riot. 
He was put in jail, as the Amalgamated Asso- 
ciation's counsel were out of the city. 

Soldiers on the Little Bill fired a heavy volley of 
musket balls at a passing freight train because it 
was reported that the train men had treated the 
Little Bill to the contents of several revolvers. 
The train hands said the shots thus charged up 



241 

against them were torpedoes placed upon the tracks 
for signaling purposes. 

John Fleishman, a striker, was shot in the groin 
while he was doing patrol duty in the interests of 
the locked-out men at Carnegie's Pittsburg mills. 
He saw two men coming down a railroad track, 
and a third man in another direction cast a stone 
at the pair of pedestrians. They drew their revol- 
vers and- shot Fleishman nigh unto death. 

A big meeting occurred at Ross Grove, where all 
the strikers assembled, listened to speeches, passed 
resolutions of sympathy for the Buffalo railroad 
strikers and congratulations for the Beaver Falls 
and Twenty-ninth street strikers who had gone out 
in pure sympathy for the Homestead men. 

The relief committee were daily distributing 
from two hundred to three hundred dollars to 
relieve those in need. 

Messrs W. W. Erwin, of Minnesota, and G. W. 
Argo, of Iowa, the attorneys who so ably assisted 
local counsel in clearing the strikers of the charges 
preferred against them, arrived and laid prelimi- 
nary plans for the defense. 

Pinkertons were reported by the score to be in 
the midst of the strikers, and even attending their 
lodge and other secret meetings. The position of 
a spy, if discovered in time of war, entitles him to 
death. This punishment should be meeted out to 
a spy under any and all circumstances. 

The company gave it out unreservedly that they 
had two thousand men at work in their mills. 



242 

Superintendent Potter made some of the newspapers 
believe it, and they in turn made some of the strik- 
ers very uneasy. 

The report was published that the soldiers had 
been compelled to submit to so many indignities 
from the men and women of Homestead that they 
preferred to remain until the matter became defi- 
nitely settled. 

A fearful bomb explosion happened at Lawrence- 
ville. Some persons placed a bomb in a freight 
car, with the result that a few splinters of the car 
remained after the explosion. The non-union men 
in the mills became panic stricken and fought 
among themselves to escape until many of them 
were dangerously injured. They were cared for ; 
their wounds were # dressed and many comforts were 
bestowed upon them — by the strikers. 

Again the unemployed at Homestead injured 
their cause by interfering with the non-union men 
who began moving into the company's houses. 
But, these houses for years had sheltered the strik- 
ers and their families, and above the doors had been 
hung the symbols of good luck. Had not these 
cottages been the homes of the strikers ? And who 
will say that this was not human nature cropping 
out ? Still, the more rational knew their cause was 
receiving another black eye by these manifesta- 
tions. The soldiers very properly dispersed the 
angry men and women, and the moving process 
went on without interruption. 



2 43 

Half a dozen strikers, who had been drawing 
minimum wages before the trouble, could not 
withstand the temptation of maximum wages, and 
so deserted their old friends for new ones in the 
mills. 

Jeremiah Benninghoff, a fine soldier lad, was 
accidently shot by Ford Smith, another soldier lad. 
Poor Jerry died within an hour and poor Ford 
never recovered from the shock. The officer in 
charge relieved all the soldiers of their revolvers 
and no more accidents occurred. 

Weighmaster Smith was assaulted by four men 
at Braddock and fearfully punished. Two men 
were subsequently arrested who were supposed to 
have been his assailants. 

Soldiers were once more ordered to patrol the 
streets of Homestead under the plea that deputy 
sheriffs and other officers were being mistreated. 
The jealousy between the county and municipal 
officials that is to be found in every place of 
importance in the world, existed at Homestead, 
and hence there were constant disagreements and 
continual clashings. 

Three Pinkertons, regardless of the contempt 
heaped upon them from all quarters, both outside of 
Homestead and within its limits, searched a strik- 
er's house in quest of guns, of which they had been 
relieved upon a certain occasion. This trio of man 
hunters, as they said, were "out for revenge." In 
order to secure " revenge " some of these creatures 
have been known to swear innocent and respectable 



244 

people into the four walls of a penitentiary. 
Crooked work and criminal action, fortunately, as 
before suggested in these pages, have placed many 
of the Pinkertons where their victims could witness 
their disgrace — if it is possible to disgrace a human 
being who will engage in such a disgraceful and 
reprehensible traffic as spying and ".sleuthing." 
James Gibson, a striker, was arrested by these 
Pinkertons in search of guns and charged with 
conspiracy and riot. He was liberated as # soon as 
his bondsmen could attach their names to the nec- 
essary document. 

Another big mass meeting was held, which was 
addressed by the visiting attorneys and several of 
the leading strikers. And yet a number of their 
friends who had left the L,awrenceville mills 
returned to their old posts of duty. 

Another'warrant charging Hugh O'Donnell with 
conspiracy and aggravated riot had been issued, 
and he surrendered,' gave bail and was released. It 
is presumed that O'DonnelPs recent successful 
efforts in the East to raise funds on behalf of the 
strikers inspired some one high up in steel mills 
circles to make an example of this young leader 
once more. 

John Edwards, likewise, was taken under the 
wing of the law, as, also, were Acting Chairman 
Thomas Crawford, G. H. Gaches, treasurer of the 
relief fund, Burgess McLuckie, John Wipe, John 
Nelson and John Ryland. " Conspiracy and incit- 
ing a riot," was the ominous sentence employed to 



245 

place these men in a prison. But they escaped this 
humiliation bv furnishing each a o;ood and suf- 
ficient bond, and then went back to Homestead. 

Chairman Frick, on the last day of August, paid 
his first visit to the mills since the strike, and spent 
a couple of hours taking in the situation. He 
expressed himself well pleased with the progress, 
and said : 

kk The strike is a thing of the past ! " 
Mr Frick is a keen observer and has a gift of 
saying a great deal in a few words, although that 
great deal at all times may not be original. 



CHAPTER XXVIII. 



Falling leaves — A lawyer's statement — Hugh Ross upon the scene — 
Surrenders — A fearful excursion — Typhoid fever — Some wild 
speeches — Breaks— Repudiation — Wholesale indictments — Berk- 
mann's trial — Guilty and sentenced — Injured tools — A visit from 
the boss — Identifying a rogue — Indicting a Pinkerton — Denied 
bail — Three leaders in jail— A minister's version — Three months 
of the strike — A handful of deserters — Official list of killed on 
the fatal day of the attack. 

The month of September arrived and the end 
seemed still far away. Doubt as to the real situa- 
tion had been established by garbled reports. It 
devolved upon Mr G. W. Argo, the Sioux City 
lawyer, to apprise the outside world of some unpub- 
lished facts. In a letter to Chicago friends Mr 
Argo said that there were fifteen hundred men at 
work in the mills, but they were chiefly incompe- 
tents. Some of them had died in the mills, others 
were about ready to follow, while not a few had 
been maimed for life in the machinery of which 
they knew practically nothing. The temperature 
of the mills ranged from one hundred to one hun- 
dred and fifty degrees, and this intense and perpetual 
heat, together with bad water, had increased the 




HIGH F. DE.MPSEY. 



- 9 49 

mortality alarmingly. The steamer Tide made 
nightly trips carrying the dead and wounded from 
the works to Pittsburg. 

The hearings of the Homestead leaders on the 
" charges of conspiracy and aggravated riot began. 
Those arraigned were Hugh O'Donnell, David 
Lynch, G. W. Sarver, W. T. Roberts and William 
McConegly. Hugh Ross surrendered to Alderman 
McMasters. The Pinkertons arrested Matthew Foy, 
charging him with murder. If Foy had known the 
itching palms which all Pinkertons possess, he 
could have gone free by slipping into their hands a 
small roll of bills. These same M officers M also 
took charge of Elmer E. Bales, conspiracy ; Oscar 
Colflesh, aggravated riot and conspiracy. Harry 
Bayne surrendered to Alderman McMasters. Judge 
Ewing refused bail to Jack Clifford, who was being 
♦held on a charge of murder, but he accepted bonds 
of Si 0,000 for Foy's appearance. Foy returned to 
Homestead in time to attend the first weekly meet- 
ing in September, at which there were twelve hun- 
dred strikers present. 

Chairman Thomas Crawford, who by force of 
circumstances and ability had been pushed to the 
front as a leader at the beginning of the fight, was 
now made the head of the Advisory Committee, in 
which capacity he counseled moderation in these 
public gatherings. He condemned the loud- 
mouthed, anarchistic screechers for gore, and 
stopped the attacks that had been made with great 
precision and regularity upon the press and its rep- 



250 

resentatives. His influence for more conservative 
action in everything was soon felt, much to the 
credit of all concerned. Had there been more 
Crawfords many disastrous incidents would not 
have occurred. The cigarmakers' picnic excursion 
up. the river would not have been disciplined by 
the soldiers ; the cigarmakers would not have 
taunted the non-union men until the militia were 
called out to prevent trouble ; Ward, the wild-eyed 
party who delivered several inflammatory tirades at 
the Saturday meetings, would not have been toler- 
ated ; non-union men would not have been 
molested while going to their meals or moving 
their household goods ; scores of things that trans- 
pired to injure the cause would not have been 
tolerated had the Tom Crawfords been more 
numerous. 

From September 5 to 19 there was a decided 
lull. A few unimportant happenings were recorded, 
among which may be mentioned the following : 

Non-union men, guarded by coal and iron police, 
for the first time, began taking their meals in 
Homestead restaurants. 

A report came from Tamaqua that August Raab, 
of Company B, Eighth Regiment, had died of 
typhoid fever, and that eight others of the same 
company, were stricken, also. 

Paul Oldshue, the acknowledged leader of the 
Slavs and Hungarians, was reported to have notified 
the relief committee that more funds were neces- 
sary to keep his followers in line. 



251 

Bar room fights began to grow numerous, and 
they were invariably the outgrowth of disputes 
between non-union workers and strikers. 

The steamer Tide was fired upon by unknown 
parties who improvised a small cannon for the 
purpose. 

Breaks occurred now and then in the ranks of 
the strikers as well as among the non-union men. 

Alek Wisloski and Arnold Frank, employes of 
the steel company, made an ineffectual attempt to 
stampede the foreign element of the strikers. 

The grand jury indicted twenty-nine Duquesne 
strikers for riot and conspiracy. 

The Fifteenth Regiment received orders to pre- 
pare for departure home, leaving only the Sixteenth 
Regiment as a guard. 

On Monday, . September 19, Alexander Berk- 
mann, as previously stated, had his trial. He made 
no defense, scorning legal advice. He prepared a 
written address, which was nothing but an inflam- 
matory document, denouncing the man he had 
attempted to assassinate, his adopted country, the 
American flag, the courts, and all other insti- 
tutions designed to preserve the peace and 
promote patriotism. He was convicted on six 
different indictments, receiving sentence as fol- 
lows : Seven years in the penitentiary for 
felonious assault ; five years for an intent to 
kill ; nine years (three indictments) for entering 
a building with murderous intent ; and, after 
serving these twenty-one years, he is to spend 



252 

a year in the workhouse for carrying concealed 
and deadly weapons. 

A serious break down occurred in the 119-inch 
plate mill, involving the destruction of the big 
shears, and a loss of $15,000, besides enforcing a 
suspension of operations in this department. Mr 
Frick at once began making visits to the mills and 
made careful inspections, which caused the gossips 
to cry that he was dissatisfied with his subordinates. 

Typhoid fever and dysentery became quite 
alarming, and the general health of Homestead 
was not of the most encouraging character. 

The grand jury turned up with one hundred and 
sixty-seven indictments for aggravated riot and 
conspiracy against that number of strikers. 

P. J. O'Connor was identified as a spy and traitor 
and proved to be a detective in the employ of the 
steel company. Fred Primer, another spy and a 
Pinkerton, was indicted for aggravated riot on the 
testimony of Burgess McLuckie. Of course Primer 
had no difficulty in obtaining bail. 

Judge Porter handed down his opinion refusing 
O'Donnell bail, and remanded the young leader to 
jail on a charge of murdering J. W. Klein, one of 
the Pinkerton guards. The court admitted that 
the evidence of the prosecution was liable to be 
impeached and contradicted at the trial, but in a 
preliminary examination it had to be considered 
and accepted. 

A few hours later a monster meeting was held at 
the rink in Homestead. The principal speaker 



253 

was the Rev. Dr Andrews, of the Universalist 
Church, of Allegheny city. In scathing terms he 
boldly asserted that Mr Frick was the worst 
anarchist in this country and the greatest criminal 
in the world. It would be interesting to know if 
Dr Andrews still entertains this opinion of Chair- 
man Frick. 

Three months had passed since the strike was 
inaugurated, and yet the Amalgamated Association 
— with some of its leaders in jail, others before the 
courts fighting for their freedom, and nearly two 
hundred informations against the rank and file of 
the strikers in existence — still maintained an 
unbroken front. Of all the claims of the steel 
company they could find the names of only six of 
this wonderful organization upon their books. 
This was fortitude worthy of the admiration of the 
association's worst enemies, and certainly its admir- 
ers and sympathizers must have worshiped the 
principles that kept it amalgamated, and loved the 
men who had guided its course thus far safely 
through the stormy times. 

That the steel company began to feel safe was 
apparent from the movements of the militia. A 
consultation resulted in an order to the effect that 
four companies of the Sixteenth Regiment should 
prepare to depart, which was done without delay. 
This left companies A, C, D and I, of the Sixteenth 
Regiment, to control the entire situation. 

In the meantime, after several adjournments, the 
coroner's work of enquiring into the extent of 



254 

fatalities on that dreadful day when the Pinkerton 
guards and the strikers measured their strength, 
had about been completed. Ten deaths were 
reported — seven strikers and three guards had paid 
the penalty of rash conduct upon the part of some 
man or set of men. The names of these unfortu- 
nate fellows are as follows : 

J. W. Klein, a Pinkerton guard ; age 42 years ; 
died of a wound in the head. 

Edward A. R. SpEER, a Pinkerton guard ; age 
36 years ; died from the effects of a wound in the 
right leg, eleven days after the battle. 

T. J. Connors, a Pinkerton guard ; age 30 
years ; died from a wound in the right arm which 
severed the femoral artery. 

Joseph Sotak, a striker ; age 34 years ; died 
from the shock of a wound in the left knee. 

Thomas Weldon, a striker ; age 30 years ; died 
from a wound in the abdomen. 

Henry Streigel, a driver ; age 19 years ; died 
from a wound received at the beginning of the 
battle. 

George W. Rutter, a striker ; age 46 years ; 
died eleven days after the fight. 

PETER Fareis, a striker ; age 25 years ; died six 
hours after receiving his wound. 

Silas Wain, a striker ; age 24 years ; his head 
blown off by a grape-shot from one of the cannons. 

John E. Morris, a striker ; age 28 years ; in- 
stantly killed by a ball in the forehead. 

This completes the ghastly list of fatalities. 



255 

The number wounded and crippled for life will 
never be known. The heartaches occasioned by 
the day's bloody work cannot be estimated. The 
blighted hopes of the once contented workmen are 
like the leaves that wither and fall when touched 
by the frosts. 



CHAPTER XXIX. 



An eventful month — A profound sensation — Chief Justice Paxson's 
hand — Cementing of the strikers — Treason and its meaning — 
General Snowden's claim to notoriety — Dastardly attempt on a 
boarding house — Political significance — Indictments — Troops 
withdrawn — Some pertinent questions — Increasing the forces — 
Where the votes went — Frick. and the Republicans — "A change" 
that was wanted — Mr Carnegie's contribution — Affiliation — The 
laboring men's contribution — How votes count. 



October opened up with a decided sensation. It 
was announced that Chief Justice Paxson* would 
sit and instruct the grand jury in the matter of 
charges of treason against the strikers. To say- 
that this information produced a profound feeling, 
well nigh paralyzing, for the moment, all action, 
is but stating a simple truth. The informations 
were sworn to by ex-County Detective Henry 
Beltzhoover, who made affidavit against the entire 
Advisory Board, as follows : 

David H. Shannon, John McLuckie, David 
Lynch, Thos. J. Crawford, Hugh O'Donnell, Harry 
Bayne, Elmer E. Ball, Isaac Byers, Henry Bayard, 

*Chief Justice Paxson's charge will be found in Chapter XXX. 



*57 

T. W. Brown, George Champene, Sylvester Critch- 
low, Miller Colgan, John Coyle, Jack Clifford, 
Dennis M. Cush, William McConeghy, Michael 

Cummings, William Combs, John Durkes, Patrick 
Fagin, W. S. Gaches, Nathan Harris, Reid Ken- 
nedy, John Miller, O. O. Searight, John Murray, 
H. M. Thompson, Martin Murray, Hugh Ross, 
William T. Roberts, George Rylands and Geo. W. 
Sarver. 

The law under which this proceeding was " 
brought is the Crimes act of i860, under which it 
is said a number of prosecutions were at that time 
conducted. It comprehended the arrest for treason 
of u anyone owing allegiance to the Common- 
wealth of Pennsylvania, who shall levy war 
against the same, or shall adhere to the enemies 
thereof, giving them aid or comfort within the 
State or elsewhere, and shall be thereof convicted, " 
etc., and the punishment consisted of a fine not 
exceeding $2,000 and imprisonment not exceeding- 
twelve years. 

The following official statement was made public 
immediately, and its tenor indicated a complete 
arousing of the national Amalgamated Association : 

" Homestead's striking steel workers have pre- 
pared to fight the last move of the Carnegie Steel 
Company, in instituting charges of treason against 
the Advisory Board, to the bitter end." 

The Amalgamated Association at once secured 
the legal services of Thomas M. Marshall, Sr., 
William J. Reardon and Maj. E. A. Montooth. 



2 5 3 

This combination of brains and talent, coupled to 
that already employed, which included Messrs 
Brennen and Cox, and W. W. Erwin, of St Paul, 
Min., and Geo. W. Argo, of Sioux City, la., left 
no question as to the strikers having ample resources 
to fight their cause in the courts. 

No doubt remained that the course pursued by 
the steel company solidified the strikers, and 
cemented whatever factional elements may have 
arisen in their ranks. Such a heretofore unheard- 
of action created unusual discussion in all walks 
of life, and particularly the legal fraternity was 
stirred up. Among the most prominent lawyers 
who expressed opinions with reference to the 
important matter, was ex-Chief Justice Agnew, 
who, in referring to it, thus defined treason : 

" The act is definite. The traitor is one who 
owes allegiance to the State and is guilty of a 
breach of it. The central thought in treason is a 
breach of faith — of that tie of duty which the 
traitor owes to the State herself — and is not to be 
confounded with a mere violation of law. Treason 
includes a violation of law, but it embraces more 
— a violation of faith. Its essence is treachery, 
perjury, a violation of confidence. The difference 
between treason and riot lies in the purpose, public 
in one, private in the other." 

The national Amalgamated Association had, up 
to this time, stood aloof, but had rendered assist- 
ance to the local lodges through the Advisory 
Board. When this trump card was played, Presi- 



259 

dent Weihe, backed by the big Association, served 
notice that no stone would be left unturned to 
fight the great battle to a successful finish. 

The indicted men surrendered or were arrested 
as rapidly as the courts could dispose of their cases. 
Bail in each instance was fixed at $10,000, and no 
sooner were the men released than they returned to 
their w r ork with an undaunted spirit strange to wit- 
ness. They agreed with their attorneys that this 
last move had resolved itself into a question involv- 
ing the rights of every citizen of the Common- 
wealth, and at once began preparations for the final 
struggle. Sympathizers all over the country pro- 
nounced the new prosecution a persecution, and 
funds were quickly raised in Chicago and other 
large labor centers to defend the Advisory Board. 

While attorneys Brennen and Cox were engaged 
in securing freedom for their clients, General Snow- 
den, whose services had long since ceased, hunted 
up a reporter in Philadelphia, and, with painful 
pomposity, exclaimed : 

" I am the man who suggested that these strikers 
be indicted for treason. I told Knox & Reed to do 
it, and they prepared the papers. As this is a 
serious question, and one that needed the very best 
talent in the country to pass upon, they submitted 
the documents for my approval. The punishment, 
I believe, is a heavy fine and long imprisonment. 
It ought be changed to death ! M 

How this abnormal militia officer loves his fellow 
men ! 



26o 

What a Christian spirit for Christ to welcome on 
the judgment day ! 

The grand jury, which had been rather promis- 
cuous in its evolutions of indicting, was asked to 
look into the mirror of the opposition, and see 
whether some more informations were not entitled 
to be produced. Days of anxious inquiry passed, 
and the following well known citizens were notified 
that they must enter the courts of justice and prove 
themselves innocent of murder, treason, conspiracy, 
aggravated riot, and one or two minor offenses : 
Chairman Frick, Secretary Lovejoy, Superintendent 
Potter, Vice President Irishman, Robert and Wil- 
liam Pinkerton, W. E. Corey, C. W. Beddell, W. H. 
Burt, John Cooper, F. W. Hinde, and others. These 
indictments, as time proved, were founded upon as 
substantial ground as those which had been served 
against the strikers. It is perhaps needless to add 
that the foregoing named individuals experienced 
no difficulty in obtaining bail. 

Out at Homestead the Advisory Board was offer- 
ing rewards for the apprehension of irresponsible 
parties who were scattering bombs indiscrimi- 
nately and applying the torch to the big boarding 
houses. The detectives were too busily engaged 
(in hunting their shooting arms and manufac- 
turing false evidence) to locate the bomb throwers 
and the fire-bugs. Furthermore, the Pinkertons 
knew that arrests of guilty parties would have 
a tendency to quiet affairs, and the enemies of 
the strikers would be relieved of some of the 



26l 

ammunition employed to turn public opinion 
against the cause. 

Notwithstanding the fact that the situation at 
Homestead was just as critical as at any period, the 
four companies of soldiers were ordered home, and 
they went. Some perverse individuals still have 
the temerity to insist that at no time was the militia 
absolutely essential. The sheriff simply increased 
his force of deputies, calling into requisition some- 
thing like one hundred of the non-union men to 
serve in this capacity. The little handful of sol- 
diers that had been sleeping peacefully at night 
and smarting under the hardship of remaining in 
camp all day, inarched to the depot on the eleventh 
day of October, and kept time to " Home, Sweet 
Home." And they bade farewell to the hills and 
valleys, and homes and mills of Homestead. 

It cost the State nearly a million dollars to prove 
that "man's inhumanity to man makes countless 
thousands mourn." 

Just about this time two or three big political 
guns went off, and the Homestead trouble was from 
then on seditiously and energetically inserted into 
the National campaign. A monster Democratic 
parade was arranged for in Pittsburg, and the 
strikers were invited to participate. The cause 
of labor was well represented, and upon this occa- 
sion the key that unlocked the repository con- 
taining all the stereotyped demands for u a 
change," was duplicated and sent to all the manu- 
facturing centers of the Union. The results are 



262 

not yet so aged as to require repetition in this 
connection. 

From the great city of Chicago came word that 
within a week ninety thousand workmen would 
contribute each a day's wages for the benefit of the 
strikers and their cause. From the great city of 
New York came word that within a week Mr Car-, 
negie's company would contribute a quarter of a 
million dollars for the benefit of the Republicans 
and their cause.* Each dollar contributed by the 
Chicago laboring men represented a vote one month 
later. Each dollar contributed by Mr Carnegie's 
company likewise represented a vote one month 
later. An analysis of the election returns indicated 
that the votes represented by the dollars alluded to 
were not cast in favor of the Republican party. 



*This charge was never proven. On the contrary, prominent 
Republicans asserted that the Carnegie company did not contribute 
a dollar for campaign purposes. , 



CHAPTER XXX. 



Chief Justice Paxson's charge — Treason defined — Rights of em- 
ployer and employe — The Amalgamated Association criticised — 
Review of the great strike — The law as written — Aliens amenable 
— Mob law versus organized resistance — Duty of the jurors — 
Choice between good government and anarchy — Enforcement of 
the law. 



The charge to the grand jury in the Homestead 
treason cases was delivered by Chief Justice 
Paxson, of the Supreme Court of Pennsylvania, in 
the presence of a large audience. On the bench 
with him were Judges Stowe, Kennedy, McClung 
and Porter, of the county courts. After the jurors 
had answered to their names, Judge Kennedy, 
presiding in the criminal court, turned to them 
and said : 

ik Information has been made against a number 
of individuals for treason against the State. This 
is an unusual charge, and we deem it necessary 
that you should be instructed by one of the 
supreme court judges. At our request, Chief 
Justice Paxson has kindly consented to instruct 
you." 



264 

Judge Paxson informed the jury that the district 
attorney would lay before them at the present term 
one or more indictments charging certain parties 
with treason against the Commonwealth of Penn- 
sylvania, and then continued : 

" In view of the gravity of the charge, the 
learned judges holding the present term of the 
court of oyer and terminer of this county have 
invited me to come in and give you some instruc- 
tions as to the character of the offence and some 
advice in regard to it. * * * 

u I would hesitate to act were it not that the 
situation is so grave, and, it is feared, the law so 
much misunderstood, that an authoritative exposi- 
tion of it seemed necessary in the interests of good 
government. It having required the intervention 
of the Governor and Commander-in-Chief, and of 
the entire military power of the State, to restore 
order, it was considered proper for those highest in 
position in the judiciary department of the gov- 
ernment to declare the law in such manner that it 
may be clearly understood.' ' 

The chief justice then rehearsed the story of 
•the disagreement between the men and the com- 
pany that resulted in closing the doors of the 
works and discharging the men. In all this, he 
said, there was no violation of the law by anyone. 
The men had the right to demand what wages 
they saw fit and to refuse to go to work unless 
their demands were complied with. The company 
had the right to decline to employ the men upon 




L. K. PORTER. 



267 

the terms offered by them, and to employ others 
upon such terms as could be agreed upon. He 
detailed the actions of the Amalgamated Associa- 
tion, and said : 

u It is part of the history of these events that 
the lodges composing the Amalgamated Associa- 
tion proceeded to organize what has been widely 
known as the advisory committee ; that this com- 
mittee, organized by the appointment of a chair- 
man, proceeded at once to take charge of affairs at 
Homestead ; that among its first acts was to order 
the mechanics, laborers, and other employes of the 
works, amounting to about three thousand, whose 
wages were not affected by the proposed change, 
and who had entered into a new agreement with 
the company, upon the terms of the old cotracts, 
to break their contracts, and refuse to work until 
the Amalgamated Association was recognized and 
its terms agreed to. Up to this point there had 
been no breach of peace ; the men had the right 
to refuse to work and to persuade others to refuse 
also. 

"The law has no quarrel with labor organizations 
so long as they act peaceably and respect the 
rights of others ; on the contrary, while they keep 
within the law, they have the sympathy of all 
good citizens in every honest, manly effort to 
improve their condition. But the State of Penn- 
sylvania will not permit these, or any other organi- 
zations, to trample upon the law and deny the 
right of othef laborers not members of such asso- 



268 

ciation. It is alleged that the advisory committee 
did more than to induce others not to accept 
employment from the company ; that it allowed no 
person to enter the mills of the Carnegie Steel 
Company, and even permitted no strangers to enter 
the town of Homestead without its consent ; that 
it arranged an organization of a military character 
consisting of three divisions, with commanders, 
captains, etc, the captains to report to the division 
commanders, and the latter to report to the 
advisory committee ; that a girdle of pickets was 
established, by which the works and town were 
guarded like a military encampment ; that these 
pickets arrested every man who attempted to 
approach either the town or the works until he 
would give an account of himself satisfactory to 
the advisors of the committee ; that all discussion 
of the wage question was positively prohibited ; 
that all these and many other things were done to 
deprive the company of the use of its property and 
to prevent it from operating its works by the aid 
of men who were not members of the Amal- 
gamated Association." 

His Honor then reviewed the efforts of the sheriff 
to protect the property, the resistance of the strik- 
ers, the Pinkerton tragedy, and the final action of 
the Governor in calling out the militia and the 
establishment of armed law. He severely censured 
the men for " resorting to violence and bloodshed 
in the assertion of imaginary rights," and said : 



269 

" It was not a cry for bread to feed their famished 
lips ; the result of sudden outrage, with good provo- 
cation ; it was a deliberate attempt of men without 
authority to control others in the enjoyment of 
their rights. The existence of such a state of 
things in a government of law, indicates a weak 
spot somewhere. It is not in law itself. That is 
sufficient for the preservation of order ; all that is 
needed is its proper enforcement/ ' 

Here a brief definition of the duties and respon- 
sibility of the jurors was given, and then he con- 
tinued : 

"It is much to be feared that there is a diseased 
state of public opinion growing up with regard to 
disturbances of this nature, and an erroneous view 
of the law bearing upon these questions has found 
lodgment in the public minds. This is evident by 
the account of portions of the press, and it finds 
expression in the assurances of demagogues who 
% pander to public prejudices and in the schemes of 
artful politicians. For men, who without a recog- 
nized grievance, trample upon the law and the 
rights of others, and yet have no sympathy for the 
outraged law or for the laborer who is beaten, and 
some times murdered, in his efforts to seek employ- 
ment for the support of his family, the growth of 
this sentiment may be traced to some extent, and 
also to the addition of large numbers of foreigners 
to our labor population, many of whom are densely 
ignorant, as well as brutal in their disposition. 
They have false ideas in regard to the kind of lib- 



270 

erty we enjoy in this country, and it is needed that 
all such persons shall be taught the lesson that our 
liberty is the liberty of law and not the libertyof 
license. The present occasion requires me to define 
the law. I shall endeavor to do so clearly and so 
fully that there shall hereafter be no excuse for 
misunderstanding." 

Then the chief justice stated the rights of the 
company to refuse all demands, reasonable or 
unreasonable, to protect its property in any manner 
it chose, to choose its watchmen from any source 
without regard to the wishes of either the strikers 
or the public, and said in regard to these watchmen : 

" It was an act of unlawful violence to prevent 
their landing upon the property of the company. 
That unlawful violence amounted at least to a riot 
upon the part of all concerned in it: if life was 
taken in the pursuance of a purpose to resist the 
landing of the men by violence, the offense was 
murder and perhaps treason. I will speak of, 
treason later on." 

This was followed by a definition of what was 
lawful and unlawful for the laborer. He had the 
right to refuse to work unless his terms were com- 
plied with, as well as to persuade others to join in 
the refusal, but an attempt to control the property 
of others, or to use violence or threats to prevent 
other laborers from going to work, was a violation 
of the law. Neither a laborer, nor an organization 
of labor, would be allowed to coerce and use brutal 
violence in the attempt to prevent others from 



271 

working wherever and for whatever wage they 
chose or was offered. Protection under the laws of 
the State means protection for all citizens. There 
must be no distinction between laborer and capi- 
talist. 

11 If," said Justice Paxson, kk we were to concede 
the doctrine that the employe may dictate to his 
employer the terms of his employment, and upon 
the refusal of the latter to accede to them, to take 
possession of his property and drive away others 
who are willing to work, we would have anarchy/ 1 

An illustration in point was then given, with a 
view to impressing the jury with the illegality of 
such action. The subject of treason was then 
taken up : 

" The offense of treason as defined by the first 
section of the act of March 31, i860, is as follows : 
4 If any person owing allegiance to the Common- 
wealth of Pennsylvania shall levy war against the 
same, or shall adhere to the enemies thereof giving 
them aid, and shall be thereof convicted upon con- 
fession in open court, or on the testimony of two 
witnesses to the same overt act of treason whereof 
he shall stand indicted, such person shall, on con- 
viction, be adjudged guilty of treason against the 
Commonwealth, and be sentenced to pay a fine not 
to exceed two thousand dollars and undergo an 
imprisonment by separate and solitary confinement 
at labor not exceeding twelve years/ " 

Up to the present trial there had been no one 
prosecuted under this law, which, the Justice 



272 

pointed out fixed only the maximum punishment. 
It was also observed that treason was charged 
against the State, not the United States. A dis- 
tinction was made between a lawless and disorgan- 
ized rnob, even though it resorted to bloodshed, and 
a body of men organized to defy the laws of the 
State and deprive any portion of their fellow citi- 
zens of the rights to which they are entitled under 
the constitution and laws. 

" It is a state of war," Justice Paxson declared, 
" when a business plant has to be surrounded by 
the army of the State for weeks to protect it from 
unlawful violence at the hands of men formerly 
employed in it. Where a body of men have organ- 
ized for a treasonable purpose, every step which 
any one of them takes in part execution of their 
common purpose, is an overt act of treason in levy- 
ing war. Every member of such advisory com- 
mittee, or by whatever name it is called, who has 
participated in such usurpation, who has joined in 
a common purpose of resistance to the law and 
denial of the rights of other citizens, has committed 
treason against the State." 

The Justice here assured the jury that while the 
definition of this offense is the designing or the 
overthrow of the government, it also was meant to 
refer to any local effort to usurp authority. In 
criminal law a man was assumed to intend that 
which is the natural and probable consequence of 
his act. Aliens living in the State are amenable to 
its laws. The jury were instructed as to their 



273 

duties and told that they were not expected to try 
the accused parties, but to ascertain from the evi- 
dence whether they could be held for trial before a 
petty jury. If an}' of the defendants were found 
from the evidence to have committed, participated 
or aided in the acts defined as treason, it was their 
sworn duty to find a true bill against the offending 
parties or party. He then concluded by saying : 

" We have reached the point in the history of the 
State where there are but two roads left to us to 
pursue, the one leads to order and good govern- 
ment, the other leads to anarchy. 

" The one great question which concerns the 
people of this country is the enforcement of the 
law and the preservation of order." 



CHAPTER XXXI. 



The charge — Its influence on the trial — Armory plate — The Knights 
of Labor — Statements of an organ — Denials of an organization — 
Thousands unemployed — Changes of the steel company — Blaze 
in a boarding house — A business man's movement — Private lams 
— Arraignment of militia officers — Motion to quash — Question of 
jurisdiction — lams' story — A lost cause — An anonymous attack — 
Old and new officers — The finishers — Withdrawal— Affiliation. 



Judge Paxson's charge was regarded as original 
as it was thought to be strong. It was suitable to 
the prosecution and distasteful to the defense. Its 
application to the indicted people representing the 
steel company and the Pinkerton agency was not 
anticipated by them at the time of its delivery, evi- 
dently. Its influence upon the trials may be judged 
from the acquittals that followed in rapid suc- 
cession. 

Coming upon the heels of this important docu- 
ment were complaints from Washington with refer- 
ence to the armory plate under contract to be 
delivered by the Carnegie company. The govern- 
ment took official cognizance of the strike and was 
not disposed to push the company ; but Chairman 



2 75 

Frick had declared in terse language that " the 
strike was a thing of the past," and Secretary of 
the Navy Tracy, so he said, could not understand 
why there should be any delay. The quality of the 
plate delivered was questioned, also, and the 
Knights of Labor, with a peculiar mixture of patri- 
otism for their country and esteem for their fellow 
laborers, proposed to test the material 'designed for 
the great war ships, and learn, if possible, whether 
it was of sufficient excellence — and incidentally to 
satisfy the country at large as to the claims of the 
steel company that they had ample expert labor to 
turn out good work. Hugh Dempsey, whose dra- 
matic connection with the alleged poisoning cases 
is yet in the public mind, was assigned to conduct 
this part of the plan. His ardent disposition soon 
asserted itself, making him an object of attack 
from the despicable " detective " element, and 
increasing the love of the laboring classes. 

The strikers still maintained a solid front 
against great odds, proving every hour that they 
possessed the courage of heroes. Not even did 
they despond when the Local News, published 
at Homestead, came out in an editorial and stated 
that the great strike was dying out ; that the com- 
pany was gradually succeeding ; that two thousand 
non-union men were at work in the mills ; that two 
hundred of the old union men who went with the 
strikers had returned to work. , 

" No surrender ! " was the cry, and the staunch 
ones began again their tireless efforts to keep the 



276 

ranks intact. They had a hard pull, but they were 
accustomed to that. They knew that ten thousand 
iron workers in and around Pittsburg and Home- 
stead were out of employment, and that the wolf 
was about ready to do his share towards increasing 
the destitution of more than one family. 

Several changes in the personnel of the execu- 
tive departments of the works were made — presum- 
ably with a view to placating the strikers and 
inducing a general break. Superintendent Potter . 
resigned his position and was promoted chief of the 
mechanical engineers of the steel company. Charles 
M. Schwab, always popular with the old men, was 
made general superintendent of the Homestead 
steel works. James Galey was appointed superin- 
tendent of the Edgar Thompson works, and D. G. 
Kerr was made superintendent of the furnace 
department of the latter named works. Whether 
these changes operated to hasten the climax cannot 
be known. 

The Beaver Falls business men began to grow 
restless, and several meetings had been held to 
induce the sympathetic strikers to return to work. 
They protested against what they considered an 
unnecessary display of sympathy for the Homestead 
crowd, and asked the local iron workers to go back. 
Finally these business men met and resolved to 
offer the Carnegie company whatever protection 
. was necessary to get their mills in good running 
order once again. 



277 

The grand jury, accommodating body, had 
returned indictments of aggravated assault and 
battery and assault against Colonel Alexander 
Hawkins, Lieutenant James B. R. Streator and 
Surgeon William Grim. The informations had 
been sworn to by Private W. L. lams, the young 
man whose enthusiasm led him into trouble by 
shouting his sentiments when the murderous assault 
was made upon Mr Frick. The three military 
gentlemen were arraigned in the Criminal Court 
on October 27, and young lams appeared as gay 
and fresh as ever. 

Counsel for defense argued a motion to quash, 
but were overruled by Judge Porter. Then they 
brought up the question of jurisdiction, arguing 
that a civil court had no right to interfere with the 
execution of orders of military officers when 
engaged in active military service. Inasmuch as 
indictments are rarely ever quashed, and in view of 
the fact that the court was not attempting to inter- 
fere with the execution of an order that long ago 
had been executed, the court quietly decided to 
give the youthful ex-soldier, (who recently had 
kept such excellent time to the inspiring tune 
known as " The Rogue's March/') a chance to show 
how severely the colonel, lieutenant and doctor 
should be punished. 

lams was put upon the stand and repeated the 
story already rehearsed in these pages. He passed 
through a most rigid cross-examination, and stood 
that ordeal very well. He was allowed to intro- 



278 

duce witnesses whose testimony was frequently 
doubted as having relevancy to the case, and 
afforded every opportunity to win his point. Alas, 
the stubborn laws of the land governing such mat- 
ters would not admit of a conviction, and the 
defendants were discharged. As General Snowden 
puts it, in his report, " a full trial in open court 
showed the features of the case to have been greatly 
exaggerated to the community, and resulted in a 
verdict of acquittal at the hands of a jury of the 
county, and the law as laid down justifies an officer 
in an emergency, in time of riot or rebellion, actual 
war, as this was, in using extreme measures to pre- 
serve discipline, when not actuated by malice but 
honestly exercising a conscientious judgment " 

Much trouble had emanated from the fact that 
deputy sheriffs were making arrests daily at Home- 
stead without first serving warrants, and upon two 
or three occasions serious difficulties were avoided 
only by mere chance. A local attorney made quite 
a spread-eagle oration in a justice's court on this 
point, and subsequently was taken before a higher 
tribunal for uttering the inflammatory remarks. 
Deputy sheriffs were constantly being hampered 
by the municipal authorities, and vice versa. 
Sheriff McCleary finally concluded to increase his 
force once more, and the action had a salutory. 
effect, although street and bar room fights contin- 
ued to be of frequent occurrence. What else could 
have been expected under the circumstances ? 



279 

An anonymous attack was made upon William 
Weihe, President of the Amalgamated Association, 
in which his integrity was impugned, his motives 
questioned, and his sincerity doubted. So infamous 
were these charges that President Weihe felt it 
incumbent to make a public statement, in which 
he asserted that at no time in the history of the 
struggle had the strikers' interests been overlooked ; 
that never had there been a moment when the 
Advisory Board could not rely upon the hearty 
co-operation of the association ; that the Board had 
never made an unreasonable request, nor a dishon- 
orable one ; that its actions had been of the wisest 
and most patriotic character, and that, so far as he 
was concerned, officially or personally, the strikers' 
fight would be made subservient to all other 
questions. 

The Advisory Board at once corroborated Presi- 
dent Weihe's w 7 ords, and requested members of the 
association to pay no further attention to reports of 
any kind, but to stand firm and pull together. 
Three days from this time President Weihe with- 
drew and M. M. Garland was elected to fill the 
vacancy. John C. Killgallon was made secretary. 

The iron and steel finishers, who had been 
attending meetings for some time, at which the 
question of organizing un'der another head had 
been discussed freely, arrived at the point where 
their interests seemed to be in a different direction, 
and they accordingly made a change. They left 
the Amalgamated Association and affiliated with 



280 



the Finishers' Union of the Iron and Steel Workers 
of the United States. One of their avowed purposes 
in this new affiliation was to avoid unnecessary 
strikes and prevent matters of small moment from 
affecting their positions in mills. The writer will 
be pardoned for confining his criticisms to other 
subjects with which he is more familiar, and leav- 
ing this question to be discussed by those who 
understood it and were vitally interested in it. 

Up to this period the strikers as a body had been 
compact, and the small percentage of dissatisfied 
men and women was looked upon with indifference. 
The leaders must have seen the hand-writing upon 
the wall, but at this late day they contend that 
they had the faith of their convictions, and believed 
that victory would eventually be theirs. How well 
they impressed this upon the masses the contents 
of this book testify. Every device known to man- 
kind had been used in increasing efforts to break 
the ranks and cause a stampede. Something besides 
appeals must have operated to prevent the chain 
from becoming unlinked. A great cause was in the 
balance, and in their humble way the army of poor 
Hungarians and Slavs understood it.J Tranquility 
had been transformed into distrust^and a nation's 
pride — its labor — had 'been put to the blush of 
shame. The unconscious dignity of loneliness, 
stamped upon each heart, taught a lesson that 
must have left an indelible imprint upon the 
world. No State in this Union should feel more 



28i 



prdud of its citizens than Pennsylvania, and, 
although some people disagree with the strikers 
and condemn their methods, it must be confessed 
that they felt the justice of their cause, and so feel- 
ing, they discharged their obligation when they 
stood in need of the common necessities of life. 
Fair return for labor is due such men, and when 
that is given, the world will grow tranquil and 
remain so. Remove the hope for such a time and 
civilization will be changed into savagery. 



CHAPTER XXXII. 



An eventful and a fatal month — Mutterings of the mechanics — A big 
break — Schwab's influence felt — Heads of departments secured — 
A partial resumption — Crisis at hand — Important meetings — 
Assigning skilled workmen — A small riot — Killing of Coyne — A 
long meeting — Arrival of attorneys — The end is near — Strike 
declared off — The breaking forces — "We surrender' ' — Great 
battles — Senatorial investigation — Trial of Critchlow — A loyal 
and gallant struggle — Also, a successful one — A silvery-tongued 
orator — Able counsel — Trials of O'Donnell, Clifford et al — Inde- 
pendence — Vindication . 

November will always be remembered by the 
world as an eventful month, and by the strikers as 
a fatal one. Early in the month those who had 
been employed in the mechanical department began 
to show restlessness and there were threats of a 
break. They were not members of the Amalga- 
mated Association and were free to act as they 
chose. Their sympathetic sacrifice in walking out 
early in the summer, to them meant a great loss of 
wages and perhaps of positions. They wanted to 
get back and nearly a score followed the bent of 
their inclinations. Superintendent Schwab had 
been busy among them and induced quite a num- 




WILLIAM REARDON. 



28S 



ber of heads of departments to return. A dozen 
skilled workmen were assigned to their old posi- 
tions in the rod mill — others soon followed. This 
crippled the association and was the signal for a 
general stampede later on. 

To make matters worse, negroes, non-union men 
and strikers got into an altercation and a small- 
sized riot was the result. The negroes, always 
dangerous in a fight, pulled the weapons they 
never should have been permitted to carry, and 
shot right and left into a crowd, wounding three 
persons. Then the crowd followed them to their 
lodging house and threatened lynching. It was 
only by a great effort that the officers succeeded in 
rescuing them and in locking them up. 

Max Newman, a Hebrew, shot and killed Pat 
Coyne. The Hebrew was awakened in the middle 
of the night by Coyne, who got into, the wrong 
room, and mistaking the intruder for an enemy, 
Xewman shot him in the head. 

During these excitements the Advisory Board 
held secret meetings, which meetings were 
accompanied by some equally secret by the Amal- 
gamated Association. They discussed the new 
feature introduced by the action of the me- 
chanics, and tried to prevent a surrender from 
that quarter. The Board's efforts availed naught, 
for upon the same date (November 18) that Critch- 
low's trial began, the strike was declared off so far 
as the ex-workers in the mechanical department 
were concerned. They went to the mills and 



<^ 



280 



applied for work, but the association asked them 
not to touch a tonnage job. The laborers who had 
followed the mechanics out, followed them back, 
and two thousand men clamored for work. Some 
of them were too late, the company refusing 
to discharge the non-union men who had proven 
themselves competent. Chairman Frick and his 
subordinates registered inside of twenty-four hours, 
one thousand applications. 

The next day the three Beaver Falls lodges of 
the Amalgamated Association declared that sym- 
pathy strike at an end, and nine hundred men, 
who, four months previously had refused to offer a 
hand, now hastened to their posts. Less than 
seventy-two hours subsequently the Lawrenceville 
strikers declared that they were ready to go to 
work. Thomas Crawford announced his resigna- 
tion as chairman of the Advisory Board, stating 
that he had accepted% v position in the Columbian 
Iron and Steel Works at Uniontown, Pennsylvania, 
and then the Advisory Board dissolved. 

" We surrender with both hands up ! " exclaimed 
William Gaches treasurer. 

Hugh O'Donnell, from the dark recesses of the 
county jail, wrote to the Evening Leader : 

" Great battles are rarely ever fought the way 
they are planned ! " 

The Amalgamated Association served notice 
that union men would be permitted to return to 
work in the mills ; and thus ended the most mem- 
orable struggle between capital and labor that the 



287 

world has ever seen. Let us hope it may never 
witness another like it. 



The Senatorial investigation under the guiding 
hand of United States Senator Peffer, opened at 
Chicago, during which reputable citizens testified 
that they would not believe a Pinkerton under 
oath. The investigation was transferred to Pitts- 
burg where the evidence alreadv contained in 
these pages was repeated, and then the committee 
proceeded to Xew York and Washington. Inas- 
much as u the swellest club in this world " never 
evolved much good out of the report, it is probably 
as well to class the Senatorial effort with the one 
that emanated from the Congressional Committee 
wdiich is done with the reflection that these com- 
mittees would be exasperating if they w T ere not so 



All eyes now turned towards the stately court 
house up on the hill, in the city of Pittsburg, 
where the trial of Sylvester Critchlow was in 
progress. He was being tried for murder, the 
obliging grand jury, as before recorded, having 
returned a true bill against him. Judges Kennedy 
and McClung were upon the bench, and the array 
of legal talent on each side afforded the public 
material for conjecturing that the fight would be 
stubbornly, bitterly, brilliantly, gallantly and thor- 
oughly contested. 



288 

The prosecution was represented by District 
Attorney Burleigh and his assistant, young Mr 
Goehring, D. F. Patterson, John S. Robb, E. Y. 
Breck and P. C. Knox. 

The prisoner wa f s defended by William J. 
Brennen, John F. Cox, Thomas M. Marshall, Sr, 
Major Montooth, all of Pittsburg, and W. W. 
Erwin, of St Paul, and George W. Argo, of Sioux 
City. The two last named gentlemen, as we have 
said, had been sent here by the laboring people of 
the great Northwest. Their confidence was well 
placed. 

Attorney Brennen argued a motion to quash on 
the grounds that the grand jury had not been 
impartially drawn. District Attorney Burleigh 
called attention to the fact that the defendant had 
already pleaded to the indictment, and the court, 
taking the same view, overruled the motion of the 
defense, and the trial proceeded. 

The evidence of the prosecution centered upon 
the ability of the Pinkerton guards to identify the 
prisoner as one of the strikers who had done the 
shooting, " Detectives " Burt, Connors and Mally, 
according to the verdict, perjured themselves, or, 
likely, the jury, composed of twelve good and loyal 
citizens, on general principles, declined to believe 
the stories of these men. 

The testimony of the defense went to estab- 
lish an alibi, and the verdict, "innocent," pretty 
clearly proved that the defense succeeded in their 
efforts. Many of the facts contained in this his- 



2S9 

ton- corroborate the testimony brought out in 
the trial. 

That the prosecution had a weak case is 
evidenced from the fact that as soon as the Com- 
monwealth rested, wagers were freely made that a 
verdict of acquittal would be rendered. Scarcely 
an attorney in the land, who had kept track of the 
testimony, could be found whose opinion was not 
in accord with this assertion ; while the general 
public, always good lawyers, better judges, and 
invariably excellent gamblers, felt that Critchlow 
would be proven innocent of the charge. On the 
first ballot the jury stood nine for acquittal and 
three for involuntarv manslaughter. A short time 
thereafter they agreed upon acquittal, and their 
verdict was applauded by the whole civilized 
world. 

The pleas and arguments of the attorneys on 
both sides were remarkable efforts. Especially 
may this be said of Messrs Brennen, Cox, Marshall, 
Montooth, and Erwin. The latter gentleman, in 
the course of a speech to the jury, said : 

" Laws both divine and human are intended for 
man's good. Sometimes the laws of man prohibit 
the laws of God. Man's primary duty is to his 
God — next it is to his country. The courts — all 
branches of courts — the judges on the bench, the 
jurors, the prosecuting attorney with limited 
power, the listening public, the distributing press, 
all must be guided by conscience, but it must be 
the conscience vou first knew when saying vour 



291 

prayers at your mother's knees. The Common- 
wealth of Pennsylvania stands on this grand basis. 
Carnegie bent the eternal laws of God and the 
poorer imitations by man. We will show that the 
defendants only tried to straighten these laws. If 
there is no Judas Iscariot among you, gentlemen of 
the jury, you will plant the flag of Independence 
on your hills." 

The Pittsburg Times, in referring to Mr Erwin, 
said : 

" Mr Erwin was a northwestern whirlwind at 
the start. He was then a surprise, and next he 
was a revelation. His wonderful facial expressions 
were as eloquent as his silvery voice, which flowed 
like a meadow brook at times, and again like 
Niagara's roaring cataract, as if in his own home 
he had trained it to drown the roar of the Falls of 
St Anthony. The strategy of the prosecution to 
lead the defense into a by-path, failed. Mr Erwin 
stuck to the highroad and tramped defiantly along 
the highest part of it." 

A few weeks later Jack Clifford and Hugh 
O'Donnell were tried. The formers defense was 
based upon the same lines as was that of Critchlow, 
while CVDonnell's counsel adduced evidence to 
conclusively prove that he was a non-participant. 
Both men were found not guilty, and the failure of 
the State to convict caused all other prosecutions to 
be dropped. 



CHAPTER XXXIII. 



The alleged poisoning cases — Hugh F. Dempsey and Robert Beatty 
tried on a most serious charge — A Pinkerton detective plays an 
important part in the prosecution — Gallagher and Davidson, two 
river cooks, claim they were hired to poison non-union workmen 
— Found guilty by a State's jury — Gallagher confesses that he 
perjured himself, and then retracts again. 

It was fitting that the great Homestead tragedy 
should have terminated as it did in a most profound 
sensation — the prosecution of Hugh F. Dempsey 
for alleged poisoning. 

Dempsey was serving his second term as Master 
Workman of District Assembly No. 3, Knights of 
Labor, being widely and favorably known among 
a large number of friends and acquaintances both 
in Pittsburg and elsewhere. He was not interested 
in the Homestead strike. The labor organization 
with which 'he was identified was in no manner 
connected with the Amalgamated Association of 
Iron and Steel Workers, but he was arrested, tried 
and found guilty of the charge of having attempted 
to poison a number of the non-union workmen 
employed by the Carnegie company at the Home- 
stead plant. 



293 

The months "of August and September were 
extremely hot ; the sewerage system in and about 
the works of the company at Homestead was poor ; 
the general drinking water not of the best ; and 
many of the new steel workers were unaccustomed 
to the class of work which they were learnings 
They were all fed in enormous temporary dining 
rooms erected on the river bank by the company 
for the exigency of the occasion, and their general 
habits of life were new, although the quality of 
edibles furnished by the concern was most excel- 
lent. And there was much sickness among the 
men employed in the Homestead plant. This was 
the subject of much comment at the time, but the 
Carnegie attorneys, aided by, the Pinkerton detect- 
ives, furnished the country at large a nine day's 
sensation when they caused several arrests, on 
account of the charge that the sick men had been 
poisoned. 

Robert F. Beatty was arrested December 1 1 at 
Louisville, Kentucky, and brought to Pittsburg to 
face the charge that he had caused the non-union 
workmen to be poisoned, information having been 
lodged against him to that effect by J. H. Ford, a 
Pinkerton detective. The charge alleged that in 
September he had hired one of the cooks at the 
mills, Patrick Gallagher, to administer poison to 
the men in their coffee and tea. It appeared that 
this same Gallagher had made a confession impli- 
cating Beatty and Hugh F. Dempsey, charging the 
latter w r ith having hired himself and one J, M. 



294 

Davidson through the medium of Beatty to poison 
the non-union workmen. 

The defendants in this remarkable case offered 
ho particular defense at the preliminary examina- 
tion before Alderman McMasters, of Pittsburg, but 
at the regular trial before the Quarter Sessions 
Court of Allegheny county, January 16, 1893, 
entered a general denial. 

Gallagher was the chief witness for the prosecu- 
tion. He testified that he had been a river cook 
for twenty years, and that in company with David- 
son, a river steward, he had been taken by Beatty 
one day in August to Dempsey's office in Pittsburg 
where the pair were hired to administer poison to 
the men working in the Homestead mills. Accord- 
ing to his story, he and his partner, Davidson, were 
to secure employment in the kitchen at the mills, 
and to dose the coffee and tea from time to time 
with a powder to be furnished them by the defend- 
ants. For this service the men were to receive in 
addition to what they might earn at Homestead 
indefinite compensation from Dempsey. According 
to his tale Gallagher, having secured employment 
there, proceeded to Homestead, where he put cer- 
tain powders, which had been furnished him by 
Dempsey, in the tea and coffee of the workmen. 
Davidson went to work in a similar capacity a 
fortnight later than Gallagher, and after the latter's 
arrival in Homestead the former left, turning over 
the stock of poison on hand to his successor, who 
was to continue the nefarious work. Gallagher 



295 

claimed that for his services Dempsey had paid 
hiin various small amounts of money, and at one 
time had given him twenty-five dollars, receipt of 
the latter sum having been acknowledged in writ- 
ing. He further swore that after he left the mills 
other cooks were wanted to go up there for the 
same purpose, and the advisability of sending him 
to Cincinnati to hire them was considered, but at 
the last moment Beatty was sent instead. His 
testimony showed that there was much sickness in 
the mills, and sought to prove that it was caused 
by these mysterious powders which he charged 
Dempsey with having given him. 

Davidson made a similar statement. The key to 
the prosecution lay in the evidence offered by J. 
H. Ford, a Pinkerton detective, when examined 
before Alderman McMasters at the preliminary 
hearing. This witness testified that he had first 
wrested admissions from Gallagher and David on 
that they had poisoned the food at Homestead, and 
then hired a room in the same building as that of 
the confessors, where Beatty was brought one 
night. Then the subject of the poisoning was 
alleged to have been broached, and on the matter 
Beatty talked quite freely, according to the Pinker- 
ton's story, he having overheard most of what was 
said. It was a Pinkertonian prosecution through- 
out, and according to the claims of the pair, 
Gallagher and Davidson had been promised immu- 
nity from punishment if they would make these 
" confessions. " If such a bargain was made, the 



296 

developments of the trials of Dempsey and Beatty 
showed how rudely the confessors had been duped. 

The prosecution offered in evidence a vast 
amount of expert testimony by physicians of more 
or less prominence. Some testified that the men 
who had taken sick at the mills had typhoid fever, 
^others claimed that they had suffered from dysen- 
tery, while others avowed that the symptoms of the 
sick men whom they attended showed conclusively 
that there had been drastic poisoning. One doctor 
from Baltimore even admitted that he had been 
paid $500 for coming to Pittsburg to testify in the 
cases. At any rate the expert testimony was 
diverse and even conflicting, as is usual in such 
cases. The other principal witness for the prose- 
cution was one Charles McKinney, another river 
steward, who claimed to have been approached by 
Beatty and Gallagher, the former endeavoring to 
employ the witness to go to Homestead for the 
purpose of poisoning the men. According to his 
evidence he refused on account of the risky nature 
of the job. 

The attorneys for Dempsey and Beatty made a 
very clean defense. They admitted hiring David- 
son and Gallagher to go to Homestead, but for the 
express object of learning the number of men 
employed, and the degree of success with which the 
company was meeting in its endeavor to run the 
big plant with unskilled labor. Their action was 
inspired by a request from the headquarters of the 
Knights of Labor in New York for accurate infor- 



mation concerning the exact status of the strike, it 
being claimed at the time that the Carnegie people 
were daily sending out rose-colored reports of their 
success in operating the plant at Homestead with- 
out the assistance of any of the strikers. Mr 
Dempsey proved a good witness in his own behalf. 
He showed that the money claimed to have been 
paid Gallagher was a loan to help out the recipient 
when the latter's household effects were in danger 
of being seized for debt. He testified to the 
employment of others beside the prosecuting wit- 
nesses for the purpose of getting the desired data, 
some of whom had been successful, while others 
were not. Beatty's mission to Cincinnati, claimed 
by Gallagher to be for the purpose of hiring more 
cooks, was clearly shown to .have been for the 
object of engaging men unknown about Pittsburg 
to enter the mills as laborers in order to get at the 
true condition of the fight on the company's side 
of the fence. 

The prosecution failed utterly to prove that there 
had been actual cases of poisoning ; they failed to 
prove that Dempsey or Beatty had given the 
alleged poisoning powders to either Gallagher or 
Davidson ; they failed to show where these alleged 
poisoning powders had been obtained or what had 
become of the unused powders. The defendants 
produced witnesses to prove that their characters 
had always been of the very best, while the records 
of those upon whose evidence the prosecution was 
based were exhibited in an unenviable light. 



290 

Nevertheless convictions were secured by the 
State, Dempsey and Beatty each being sentenced 
to seven years' imprisonment in the penitentiary, 
while Gallagher and Davidson got seven and five 
years respectively. It was generally believed at 
the time that the men were the innocent victims 
of persecution. The opinion prevailed that the evi- 
dence produced against the men was not suffi- 
ciently weighty to justify finding the verdict of 
guilty ; and not a few felt that the jury was com- 
posed of persons secured by the district attorney 
exercising the legal right to stand aside jurors, thus 
obtaining men whose opinions were adverse to the 
defendants. Further than this the natural senti- 
ment against poisoning was thought to have oper- 
ated very readily and strongly upon the minds of 
the jury thus selected, and practically called for a 
conviction. The verdict was altogether received 
with marked disapproval in and about Pittsburg 
where both the defendants were known, and their 
innocence was practically established by the prince 
of confessors, Gallagher, who startled the world 
six months later by admitting that he was a per- 
jurer. 

In the middle of July following the trial, he 
sent in great haste for Mr Louis K. Porter, Demp- 
sey's counsel, and said that he had a confession to 
make. According to his assertion his mind had 
been so conscience striken since he had sworn 
away the liberty of innocent men that he could 
not sleep. He made a confession, which he signed 



299 

after it had been reduced to writing. In this docu- 
ment he admitted himself to be a perjurer, swore 
that the entire case against Dempsey had been 
trumped up by the Pinkertons who had promised 
himself and Davidson security from punishment 
if the}' would so testify as to convict the two men. 

The confession was at once published, and steps 
taken to have the innocent prisoners released from 
custody. Davidson also made admissions that 
Gallaghei's confession was true. 

On the next day Gallagher received a letter from 
his wife, warning him of the consequences of the 
step he had just taken, picturing the punishment 
for perjury, which, in a case like this, would be 
most severe. So on the third day the versatile Mr 
Gallagher turned again, making the claim that his 
" confession " was bogus. This left the public 
mind in a verv uncertain, state so far as Gallagher 
was concerned, but it did not in any way injure 
Dempsey in the standing of the people at large. 

Ninety per cent, of the people in Allegheny 
County, Pennsylvania,. believed that Dempsey and 
Beatty were innocent of the charges on which they 
were convicted, and thousands signed petitions to 
the Pardon Board, praying that executive clemency 
be extended them. 

Gallagher, guilty of innumerable offenses, was 
wisely made by the jury to suffer the same punish- 
ment as the men whom he deprived of their prec- 
ious liberty. Davidson, with an unsavory record, 
suffered alike. In a few days after the trials they 



;oo 



were lost to memory, but influences are still work- 
ing in behalf of the innocent men, whose liberty, 
it is hoped, will soon be procured. 



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SPEECH OF W. W. ERWIX, NOV. 22, 1892. 

(CLOSING THE DEFENSE.) 

May it please the court : For the counsel for 
defense, for Mr Argo and myself, I desire to thank 
you for the fair, impartial and dignified manner in 
which you have presided in this case. May you 
live long to fill a sacred place on the bench. 

Continuing, he said : — Lawyers consider the 
trial of cases as great battles. Instead of treating 
them with calm adjudication as you should, they 
often use the arts permitted by the latitude of the 
courts to acquit or correct, and so you have just 
witnessed an attempt to carry your consciences by 
storm. If he has succeeded, then there is no use 
for us to say a word. But I don't think the 
address has had much effect. In the quiet of the 
jury room, you won't be swayed by plausible 
eloquence. 

You must try the case according to the law and 
the facts. If the true causes that led to the con- 
flict at Homestead are not before you except as rises 
from presumption, I hold it extremely unfortunate 
for the Republic, this State and City. When the 
news of the Homestead riot was flashed all over the 
world ; after the applause of enthusiastic admiration 
for the noble resistance had passed away, the world 
paused for the judicial inquiry, and the world to-day 
waits at the other end of the wires to see how it 
has been done. 



II 



CONFINED CLOSELY TO THE ISSUE. 

You are now put into a narrow place, iron-bound 
by the testimony. You can presume nothing 
but what is legally permissible in the courts of 
justice. We, the defense, are not responsible for 
this contraction. A man in these events is not 
permitted to defend himself against the testi- 
mony adduced. That rule is so strong that if 
evidence were put in to show that one of you 
fired the fatal shot, the court would not permit 
you to prove that somebody else did it. Courts 
havn't time to try anything except the issues pre- 
sented. We would like to open the case wider, 
but we are not permitted. 

I am not here to befog your minds, to storm 
down your consciences. I am here to help you 
honestly. I would not be in your places for the 
world. Duty alone would force me into that jury 
box to try a man for his life. 

There must not be a shadow of a doubt in your 
minds that Critchlow is guilty. Some one has said 
that the law stands around a man like a great pro- 
tecting shield of innocence, and the prosecution 
must pile up evidence on it until its very weight 
bends him backward to the ground. It is better for 
the country that ninety-nine guilty persons should 
go free than that one innocent man should be pun- 
ished. When your intuitions are so aroused that 
you do not feel the guilt, there is a reasonable 
doubt. So sacred is life and liberty that we require 
of him who accuses that the evidence shall be such 
that every juror feels he is right when he gives his 
opinion. As some of you recently served in another 
murder trial I will not waste your time stating the 
limitations that surround you and the presumptions 
of evidence. 



Ill 



LIMITED BY PROSECUTION. 

Last July there rang out on the shores of Home- 
stead the sound of a battle. You can't presume 
that there was discontent or a strike in the town. 
That is not in evidence. Here we were limited 
by the prosecution. We were not permitted to 
show that this man Frick purchased arms and sent 
a foreign force to invade the town. It was read 
from the books this morning that every man who 
had a gun that day was responsible. 

I point you to the Constitution of your State and 
country to show that the people always have the 
right to bear arms in self-defense. You know 
there were crowds of men, women and children on 
the shore of the river, but you don't know it from 
the evidence. That you can only infer. You know 
that the men on the boats did not live in the State. 
You do not know, and there is not a particle of 
evidence to show that they were watchmen. In 
narrowing the scope of the investigation the prose- 
cution forgot to bring out the commonest things 
necessary for your information. I challenge you 
to show me in the evidence where it appears that 
the Pinkertons were guardians. Nothing was said 
about the bank around Homestead or whose shore 
it was, but you do know that on the bank of that 
river were gathered the common people. You 
know, too, that the cloven foot that provoked this 
insurrection was carefully hidden from you. The 
testimony in this case does not show it. You only 
know that the blackest name in this country under 
the flag is Frick. You only know that Frick, who- 
ever he may be, placed armed men on the barges 
that went to Homestead. You don't know why 
he did it, unless vou go on the stand and testify 
to it. 



IV 



WHAT THE EVIDENCE FAILED TO SHOW. 



There is nothing in the evidence to explain this 
most unwarranted, treasonable act. You only know 
that the boats were supplied with men, arms and 
food by this great quartermaster Frick. You do n©t 
know how he justifies his conduct. His object 
must have been so black that he did not bring it 
out in his evidence. Isn't that important? 

The great question that you must ask yourself 
is, was this battle at Homestead a riot or an author- 
ized invasion. If you answer that it was an invas- 
ion without excuse, that is £he end of it, for the 
people never delegated away their rights to resist 
armed invasion. It needs no mandate of the court; 
no sheriff' to hoist the flag. I don't see how you 
can escape from this position, that whatever was 
done at Homestead was done in resisting armed 
invasion. I would like to have gone into the 
authority and character of the Pinkertons, but that 
is denied us. All you can see is that Frick armed 
foreign-born men, foreign to your State, steered 
them stealthily by night past your city, and they 
fired upon the men, women and children of Home- 
stead. The learned gentleman who tried to carry 
you by storm, neglected to state these preliminaries 
before the gale began. He tried to blow the gale 
himself, and became the personification of a riotous 
person in voice and gesture before you. He neg- 
lected to say to you that if Frick had not sent 
armed men to Homestead there never would have 
been a riot. He winks at you and expects you to 
infer that. Great God ! Did our fathers at Lexing- 
ton infer that they were oppressed ? 

The presumption is that the people always act 
right and you are bound by it. Unless there is 
some proof there that the people were wrong, you 



are bound by it. How much safer is it to presume 
that your people were right rather than the armed 
invaders. Since they have left that to presump- 
tion, you should follow your patriotic feelings. 

A RIOT OR AX INVASION. 

Xow under the evidence was it a riot or an in- 
vasion ? The right of the people to the shore of 
the river can't be denied. They were justified in 
resisting. Frick may have had some reason, but 
the State has not brought it forward. What Frick 
may have thought at the time was a reason that 
might not work before a jury now. Men often do 
things for self aggrandizement that thev are 
ashamed of afterward, and are afraid to bring out 
in court ; reasons that would convict them of the 
crime that they are trying to saddle upon others, 
and that is murder. I don't think it is necessary 
for me to whip up your patriotic feelings. 

You must determine whether this invasion was 
unauthorized or not. The people should not only 
have shot the Pinkertons down on the shore ; they 
should have followed them on the boats, to their 
hearthstones, before the altar, and if it were possi- 
ble, to cross the line that divides the living from 
the dead, they should have passed over and shot 
them on the burning bosom of the Prince of Hell. 

Suppose now you differ from me, Suppose you 
say that it was not a foreign invasion and the peo- 
ple- hadn't the right to resist. Then was this riot 
of such a character as to hold the armed men on 
the shore responsible for their acts ? Is the evi- 
dence such as to make every armed man on the 
shore guilty of murder? Xow notice. The peo- 
ple on the shore had the same right of self-defense 
as a single individual. There were three hundred 



VI 

invaders from the slums of Chicago, Philadelphia 
and New York — the thugs of the cities. 

ARMED WITH WINCHESTER RIFLES. 

They were armed with one hundred and fifty 
Winchester rifles, the worst death-dealing weapon 
that the Genius of the Republic has invented, six- 
teen bullets in each one. The others had clubs and 
revolvers. They were in charge of captains and 
sub-captains, men who had bartered away their 
honor and judgment. The formation of their army 
and the firing upon the unauthorized word of an 
officer show the utter abandonment of citizenship. 
The marauders conducted an organized and outra- 
geous war in defiance of all law. Who opposed 
them ? The people. Were the people at the gang- 
plank the ones who fired the shots at the boat 
further down the river ? Is there any evidence to 
hold them at the landing responsible for what 
others had done before ? If there was a common 
design, the Public Prosecutor would have shown it. 
This would have proved whether Frick or the peo- 
ple are the murderers. 

We can't defend except what they put in issue. 

Captain Coon was there. The young men cried 
out : " Keep away, you scabs ! " There were no 
scabs on the boat. 

The people were not there to resist organized 
watchmen. 

The point has not been put in evidence whether 
the places of the men, who built this magnificent 
city, should be taken by the paupers of Hungary. 
That was wisely avoided by the prosecution. The 
boy who was shot on the plank begged to go on the 
boat to see who was on it. This is the position of 
the two parties. 



VII 



THE CHARACTER OF THE WITNESSES. 

Next let us look at the character of the witnesses. 
On the side of the State are Captain Cooper, Burt, 
Connors and Captain Rodgers, the man who hired 
his boat to this unlawful enterprise. The first 
three are detectives. What is a detective ? He is 
a man who can't make a living at the ordinary 
avocations of life. He hasn't wit enough to earn 
his bread by the sweat of his face. He has a burn- 
ing for notoriety and prefers to hunt his fellow man 
rather than w r ork for a living like honest people. 
In the days of tyrants detectives and informers 
were hired to lie and do dirty work. We have 
heard of men torn from their homes and thrown 
into prison by their testimony. You have an 
antipathy for these hyenas. In this country you 
can't find enough Pinkertons to carry that jury 
with their slop testimony. This is a State founded 
by Quaker conscience, and it stands around that 
wife to-day like a great iron band. Remember 
that Cooper and Burt now stand indicted for what 
they did at the landing. Remember how much 
they stretched the truth to prevent your people 
from stretching their necks. If they were not 
opposed, I wouldn't believe them any how. But 
they are opposed by Captain Coon, Mrs Mansfield 
and others ; people who live here and whose char- 
acter is known. We can't impeach the reputation 
of Cooper and Burt, for they come from other 
States and we don't know them. If our witnesses 
were disreputable, your splendid District Attorney 
would soon show them up. These men testify 
that the first shot came from the boats and was 
fired at the people on the bank. Remember that 
a crowd has the right to do the same thing in self- 
defense as the individual. Dynamite and oil could 



VIII 

be rained on this tinman-fearing and unconscion- 
able crowd of Pinkertons. 

RIGHT TO SHOOT. 

Now for the defendant : Is there any evidence 
to show that Critchlow countenanced the resist- 
ance ? Is it known who shot Connors ? You do 
know that your own people were shot down and 
killed. We are working under the most stilted 
economy. The moment you know who fired the 
shot, and that there was no conspiracy among the 
people at the plank, the right of those on the shore 
to shoot continued. Political laws are silent when 
arms are raised. People in insurrections are always 
anxious to be recognized by foreign governments. 
You speak of cooling time ! According to Captain 
Cooper's testimony, he stopped shooting because he 
had no more port-holes. The people had driven 
the cowards into their holes. [Laughter]. The 
only reason why the Pinkertons did not wallow in 
the blood of the people was because of the mag- 
nificent resistance. There were only eight rifles 
behind the barricade and three hundred in the boat. 
Think of the absolute cowardice of men with three 
hundred rifles against eight ! Such effrontery is 
only equaled by their cringing fear. Cooper says 
they shot at every head. Why, that magnificent 
volunteer witness, Stewart, told a perfidious lie. 

It stands out boldly. Did you ever see a little 
squirt come in and look around for the purpose 
of testifying? Ah, that boy can tell a lie, and you 
find him in the pay of Frick. On hi$ word would 
you convict ? Oh, no, that game is up. 

Counsel on the other side stand here and say : 

" Why didn't Critchlow say on the stand that he 
did not carry a gun?" Why didn't you ask him? 



IX 

He was there to answer. [Laughter]. You didn't 
dare. His honest Roman face shows what he is. 
We have had enough of your windy sophistry. 

HERO OF THE FUTURE. 

I havn't any heart to speak of the alibi. The 
boy who received fifteen bullets in his clothes will 
be more of a hero in time to come than your 
sacred man Frick. But I am ordered to go over 
the testimony. How many witnesses were on the 
ground ? Only two. Stewart is the first of this 
magnificent observation corps of the battle. They 
recalled Joseph Malley, a Pinkerton. I don't know 
whether he is under indictment or not. If he isn't 
he ought to be. Dickson, Hervey, Slocum and 
Reese are witnesses who saw him with a gun. 
Weil, now you saw the thick tongued artist from 
New York, his hair parted in the middle. So bland 
to the Prosecuting Attorney and so sarcastic to the 
other side. He was so precise in his testimony 
because some man, Mr Mansfield, I believe, pointed 
out a Critchlow. Do you think he was a fair wit- 
ness ? Well, Mr Mansfield comes on the stand and 
says he pointed to another Critchlow. This man 
who draws pictures of Robinson Crusoe for Xew 
York papers betrayed by his conduct in the witness 
box, the falsity of his testimony. There is no evi- 
dence to kill. A volunteer witness like Stewart 
can't be very accurate when he crouches behind a 
barricade on account of the balls and takes note 
of men who are shooting. Notice how precise he 
is. He speaks of the time from 1:36 to 3:45 in the 
afternoon. His very exactness makes him incred- 
ible under the exciting circumstances. Now take 
the evidence on the other side. 



SPEAKING ON THE ALIBI. 

Here Mr Erwin read the alibi testimony. Con- 
tinuing, he said : 

Who are these people ? They are not relatives, 
they are not interested. Here are fifteen witnesses, 
comprising police officers, neighbors and others, 
who testify to the alibi. It wonld be impossible 
for these men to fabricate. The testimony covers 
snch a variety of interests Every witness fits in 
and makes the evidence stronger. Even the great 
Pinkerton with his trained lieutenants couldn't 
invent such a chain of evidence. The fact is that 
the Critchlow on trial was not the Critchlow on 
the bank. It was another man. I congratulate 
you that whatever may have been the rights of the 
people on the bank that morning, the testimony 
shows that the Critchlow here is the wrong man 
and your duty is simple. Promptly acquit him. 

In the jury room don't let any expression of 
mine, made in the honesty of my heart, to reflect 
against my client. Your splendid District Attorney 
tried this case well. He took the best possible 
position, and his attitude was such as to make you 
bend your consciences to convict. If you write 
guilty on your ballots, you tear him from his 
wife and children. Let these thoughts be with you 
in all your deliberations. Responsible is your sit- 
uation, and I want to thank you for your respectful 
attention. I leave my client with you, but you, I 
leave you in the hands of God. 



XI 



THE MILITIA. 



In his official report of the Homestead campaign, 
Major-General Snowden, speaking of the conduct 
of the soldiers, says : 

" The inspections were conducted in the presence 
of the Commander-in-Chief, by the Adjutant and 
Inspector Generals, with celerity, promptness and 
the usual necessary close attention to details. 
Owing to the extremely hot weather which pre- 
vailed a large part of the time at Homestead, drills 
were omitted to some extent and camp guards 
reduced or relieved in daytime. The lesson taught 
in the camps heretofore held produced the desired 
result, and from the start the command showed 
entire ability to take care of itself in the field. 
Guard duty was never before so well done, the 
necessity of it being now obvious to every one. A 
night alarm at headquarters showed a most gratify- 
ing vigilance on the part of officers and men and 
the readiness of Major Evans, aide-de-camp in 
charge, to meet such emergency. The various 
regiments turned out with alacrity and displayed 
admirable discipline under trying circumstances." 

Of the results of the campaign, he relates : 

"The campaign is not without valuable results 
and information. It showed the staff to be intelli- 



XII 

gent and efficient, an organization of which the 
State may well be proud, and of which the advan- 
tages are incalculable. It proved that the claim so 
confidently put forth that the division could ■ be 
concentrated in a few hours in any part of the 
State was well founded. The rapidity and the 
strength with which it assembled surpassed expec- 
tation. On the eleventh of July the First Brigade 
showed a percentage of 96.6 for duty ; on the 
twelfth the division had presented 93.8 percentum, 
and on the nineteenth the highest mark, a propor- 
tion of the whole force present and under arms of 
95.3 percentum. In the First Regiment every 
place was filled except one. 

U A concentration of so large a body of soldiers 
from far distant parts, with such full ranks, with-' 
out previous notice, in so short a time, was never 
before, I believe, accomplished by any troops. 
Some of the features of the mobilization, if they 
might be referred to in a report of this kind,* are 
full of interest and even of pathos. The mustering 
of the Sheridan Troop, where the farmers left their 
work, unhitched their horses, mounted them, and 
galloped to the rendezvous, rivals like scenes of the 
revolution. The men of two companies of the 
Fourth Infantry were underground mining coal 
and slate, and on the call of duty came out of the 
pits, put off their grime and dust, put on their 
uniforms and joined the colors. Of another com- 
pany the Captain was ill in bed. His wife arose in 
the night, herself harnessed his team with the aid 



XIII 

of a lantern, drove through the town and sum- 
moned the men. Privates of the First Troop leaped 
down from their own coaches which they were 
driving, throwing the reins to a groom, and* has- 
tened to join their fellows. Officers and men 
hurried from all parts of the country as far away as 
Xew Orleans, Boston, Maine, Texas, Montana, and 
the West, as rapidly as steam could carry them, 
and some abroad used the cable to show their 
willingness to come. 

"These instances, among others, are worthy of 
mention, to illustrate the patriotism and sense of 
duty which prevailed throughout the State, and 
the military spirit displayed by our National 
Guard in that which may be justly regarded as a 
great crisis. The gratifying success of the mobili- 
zation, the rapidity with which it was accomplished, 
and the ease with which the troops were subsisted 
and supplied on arrival at their destinations, show 
the soundness of the principles upon which the 
guard was re-organized and has since been con- 
ducted, and the necessity of close adherence in 
general to them. It would be an act of great risk 
to venture to depart from the ways now long 
trodden, which have led to such splendid results." 



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